By Gumaa Guddaa*

The Oromo are peace-loving people. Unfortunately, that does not take you anywhere in this nasty world we live in. No nation was ever liberated through letter writing to the UN Secretary General or the President of the U.S.A. No any number of press releases, any amount of false propaganda of non-existent military action or any number of radio stations will do it either. The bitter truth is one has to fight for one’s own survival. Fighting for survival will require sweat, tears and blood. A great deal of it, too. It does also mean going to the mountains and the bushes. Most of the time, it actually involves paying the ultimate sacrifice of giving your own life for the survival and success of your group.

Looking back on the long and proud history of our nation, we witness Oromos have always risen to the challenges of their time. For instance, when the northerners pushed them south in the 15th century, the Oromo devised the Oromo cavalry and strong military philosophy, and fought back. Today, we must do the same. As the current Abyssinian colonial regime tightens its grip on Oromia, time is growing short. We must demand our political leaders speak the truth and offer decisive leadership. We must also individually and collectively offer the leaders real practical support in terms of fundraising, volunteering and providing material contribution. Above all, we have to individually ask ourselves the purpose of our being on planet earth. Be prepared to die for our freedom, if need be. They say, it is better dying standing on your feet than living on your knees.

Saying that our own very survival, as a people, is under threat is understatement. We are tittering on the edge of the abyss, and it is mostly the problem of our own making. We must know the greatest threat to our survival is our own apathy. Working in tandem with our apathy is also the mere fact that the enemy facing us today is brutal beyond imagination. We need a collective vision to pull ourselves back from the edge. The vision and dream of living as free people once again, as we did for thousands of years. Vision alone is not enough. Achieving it requires collective effort.

Economic exploitation of Oromia has become second to none. The so-called foreign investors exploiting Oromian mineral wealth are causing irreversible damage to our precious environment. The Tigreans have unfettered free access to Oromian green and fertile land. They even destroy a UNESCO-registered tropical forest with impunity. Watch this recent documentary in which the regime itself boasts about destroying Yayu forest. The thieves have the audacity to claim that the local population gave them the land without any demand for compensation. Why would subsistence farmers give their livelihood away to a company? It is adding insult to an injury. Watch: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kvdqRnIsUtA

Oromo families are uprooted up and down the country to make way for the ‘investors.’ Just recently, more than one thousand households have been displaced without any compensation as their land was sold to a foreign company in search of gold and precious earth metals in Ghimbi district in Wallaga, experience repeated all over Oromia time and again. One thing is clear. Oromos have not given their land to the Tigreans for free in support of the regime’s policy as it is being claimed by TPLF. How come a society ends its own existence by its own choice? Nothing is furthest from the truth. It seems TPLF’s propaganda chief has taken the leaf out of Gorge Orwell’s Animal Farm.

The human rights abuse by the TPLF regime is immeasurably severe, too. Disappearances of innocent Oromos without trace over the past 20 years run into tens of thousands. Long-term imprisonments in secrete detention camps and the regime’s torture chambers have become commonplace, and we are no more shocked when we hear mass arrests here and there. We have developed tolerance to bad news all together. Thousands of these Oromo political prisoners are children and women. Rape against Oromo women is unspoken taboo, but the Tigrean regime uses rape and pillage as cruel weapons of war. Today, Oromo women are the most endangered group without any protection. They are sold in their droves to modern-day slavery across the Middle East. Oromo refugees have no protection in neighboring countries. They are threatened with being returned back to the hands of the killers. Watch: http://youtu.be/DHs7rkUXS74

When the survivors tell us about their ordeal in the hands of the regime’s security agents, their plea falls on deaf ears. Our heroin sisters have attended our academic annual conferences and laid it out bare with their testimony bravely and courageously. Hearing it, our men become enraged for a brief moment, but do not make long-term strategic tangible effort in directing their anger in the direction of solution-seeking.

The Tigrean led Abyssinian colonial regime has even bigger surprise in store for us, just in case you did not know. Few warning shots have already been fired in our direction regarding their ambition of reducing the Oromo population size and the Oromian landmass. It seems that they have two-pronged approach. First is to squeeze Oromia from the peripheries, in the west by Gumuz, and in the east and south by Somali tribes. For example, listen to the following radio broadcast by an Oromo journalist concerning the recent ethnic cleansing in the east: http://youtu.be/kGqup3dsTSI.

The irony is that these villages (both in the west and east) from where now the enemy is uprooting our people at will were former OLF stronghold and liberated areas, and our own military bases for many years. Lives were given and blood was spilt to liberate them from Ethiopian and Somali colonial forces in the first place. How did this happen to us? Where did we go wrong to let it happen?

The second strand of the regime’s strategy is to eliminate Oromos from cities like Finfinne, Jimma, Dire Dhawa, etc. Their main target is Finfinnee in particular. As you will know, there is already an exclusion zone around Finfinnee. The Oromo have been removed under pressure without any compensation. Tigreans are being settled in Finfinnee en mass. Once they become the majority, the regime will declare it part of Tigray special zone after ‘referendum.’ This will threaten the territorial integrity of Oromia directly.

So, what sort of battle is going on? Simply put, it is a battle between an expanding colonial power and a people fighting for their survival. At this juncture, the colonizer has the upper hand, albeit until the giant awakens. I am afraid, tragically on the other side, we, the Oromo, are not yet fully alerted to the gravity of the danger facing us. One has to focus on the Oromo elites in particular to understand the depth of the malaise. Conscious educated Oromos are in the minority. It could be safely argued that the vast majority of the ‘educated’ class is ethiopianized at its core. Some confuse liberation of Oromia with democratization of Ethiopia. It appears this group is irrecoverably inflicted by collective amnesia. It is comical to listen to the self-appointed ‘founders’ and their followers. Some of them claim they have acquired the highest level of education known to mankind. But, you cannot help but wonder, what sort of education leads to amnesia?

What defies logic is that the recidivist type of Oromo ‘educated’ class has completely forgotten or chosen to ignore history altogether. Let us help them. Anyone who has a rudimentary grasp of the history of Ethiopian empire will know what happened to Gobana Danche, Haile Fida, Marara Gudina, Nagaso Gidada, and Bulcha Damaksa to mention but few.

The battle we are forced to engage in is a decisive one, nonetheless. History teaches us that the Aborigines were once the majority in Australia. So were the Indians in North America (Canada and USA), and the Incas in South America. Another example that could be contemplated here is South Africa. The black South Africans are only the majority in number. If the Tigreans become successful in their dream, they will try to change the current educational and economic apartheid, and the slow genocidal acts into an accelerated war of attrition against the Oromo people.

The battle we must fight decisively needs to be multifaceted. We have to take on the Abyssinians in the field of commerce, education, science and technology and defeat them. More importantly, the battle will not be won through the ballot boxes but bullets, I am afraid. The prospect is neither for the fainthearted nor for the half-hearted pretenders. It requires total dedication and being ready to sacrifice your life. You must be ready to lead by example. You ought to know the nature of the struggle, what is at stake, your enemy, your friends and above all the rule of the game, too. There are some who suggest that the struggle for independence of Oromia and democratization of Ethiopia could be reconciled. Forgive me; these are two mutually exclusive projects. I am not convinced that a good number of us have the grasp of what we mean when we say the Oromo struggle, not only in terms of its enormity, but its true meaning, too.

The demand for self-rule does not emanate from lack of democracy in Ethiopia. The driver for independence is something quite different, something more grandeur; more scared that demand for democracy. Britain was democratic when the USA fought and won its independence. Today, Scotland is on the verge of a referendum for independence from Britain. Our detractors need to understand that even if Ethiopia becomes democratic, Oromia will push forward for independence. In fact, these Oromos, who have gone native, will also make the battle ahead tougher than anyone else as they blur the line between the Abyssinians and us.

In conclusion, the sooner we wake out of sleepwalking towards extinction the better. We have to stop deluding ourselves that Ethiopia can be democratized. Then again, democracy or not, aspiration for independent republic of Oromia is already woven into our collective unconsciousness and will never die. Even if we deny it, the genie is out of the bottle, and there is no going back. Whether we choose to go down fighting or allow the enemy to decide our fate, there is no doubt the way ahead is tough and bloody. Thus, let us defend Oromia with all our might and fight to the last man for our freedom, if need be.

* Gumaa Guddaa: gumaguda@yahoo.com

Oromo refugees gathered for a third day outside the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office near Cairo, protesting alleged harassment from Egyptians and calling for greater protection. They say the mistreatment stems from Egyptians who oppose the Ethiopian government’s controversial Grand Renaissance Dam.

The protesters, mainly from the Oromo nation, left Ethiopia due to political and ethnic oppression. They emphasised their detachment from and displeasure with the Ethiopian government.

The following statement is from the Oromo Studies Association (OSA).

Oromo Studies Association
P.O Box 32391, Fridley, MN 55432
OromoStudies.org

June 12, 2013

Mr. Antonio Guterres
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
Case Postale 2500
CH-1211 Genève 2 Dépôt Suisse.
Email: InfoDesk@ohchr.org; GUTERRES@unhcr.org

OSA’s Appeal Letter to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

RE: Urgent Action Needed to Protect Oromo Refugees in Egypt

Dear Mr. Guterres,

I am writing this urgent letter on behalf of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), a scholarly, multi-disciplinary, and non-profit international organization established to promote studies relevant to the Oromo people and other peoples of the Horn of Africa. We are gravely concerned over the current situation of the Oromo refugees in Egypt because we have received reports from the Oromo refugee community of Egypt that some Egyptian youth groups have verbally and physically attacked some members of their community. These Egyptian groups are angry by the current escalation of disputes over the diversion of the Blue Nile from its course by the so-called Renaissance Dam being built by the Ethiopian government. As you know, the Oromo refugee community is alarmed by the attacks, and currently holding protest in front of the UNHCR office in Cairo. Members of this community are staging demonstration four days and four nights in front of the UNHCR office in Cairo demanding protection from attacks, abuses and human rights violations. They told me that they have decided to stay there until they get protection since they are scared for their lives to go back to their homes.

– Read Full Appeal Letter (pdf format)

Fayyis Oromia Irraa*

Barreffamni kun kan ani Afaan Oromootiin yeroo duraaf dhiyeese waan ta’ef, yoo dogoggorri keessa jiraate na ofkolcha. Akka ani amma Afaan Oromootiin yaada koo dhiyeesuu yaalu na kakaase, deebisaa Obbo Abdii Boruu barrefama koo tokkoof kenne dha: http://gadaa.com/oduu/20777/2013/07/13/kennaan-dandeettii-fi-beekumsi-oromoo-kan-fedhii-saba-oromootiif-hin-taane-ykn-hin-oolle-hiikkaan-isaa-maali/. Duraan dursee Ob. Abdii waan lamaaf galateefachuun barbaada: tokkoffa yeroo hunda yaada isaa Afaan Oromoo bareedaa, midhaawa fi qulqulluu dhan nuuf dhiyeesuu isaaf; lammaffaa ammoo bareeffama koo sana irratti akka Oromoo tokkotti kabajaa fi naamusaan qeeqa kennuu isaaf. Keesattu namummaa koo fi yaada koo adda baase ilaaluun isaa namoota hedduu bareeffama sana dura-dhaabbatani na shakkani fi na yakkan irraa adda isa godha. Fakkeenya gaarii ta’uu isaatiif ulfina guddaa qaba; na birattis ni kabajama.

Itti aansee, waa’ee Janus xiqqo ibsuun yaala. Maqaan kun ‘mythology’ Greek keessatti waaqa Rome tokkoof kan kename dha. Fuula lama qaba jedhame himama: fula jalqabaa (alpha) fi fuula xumuraa (omega). Suuraan isaaf kennamu garri caalu mataa nam-tokkoo, fuula lama waliin, argisiisama. Fuulli lamaan sun wal haa fakkaatani ykn wal hin fakkaatiin ani himuu hin danda’u. Akka asitti (http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janus_(Mythologie) argisiisame yoo ta’e, wal fakkaatu jedheen yaada. Ani garuu yoon seenaan Oromoo fuula lama qabaatinnaa laata jedhee gaafadhu, fuula garagaraa lama jechuu koo ti. Maaliif akkan kana gaafadhe, yaada ani asitti barreessuu yaalu irraa hubatama jedheen amana.

Bareefamni koo qeeqame sun akkasitti awwaara kaasuun isa karaa tokko na gaddisiise, karaa biraa ammoo na gammachiise. Kan na gadisiise, jarjarsuudhaan maxxansuu irraan kan ka’e waan xixiqoo irraa of qusachuu dhiisuu koo ti. Barreefamni kun wagga lama dura “Ethiopian Review Forum” irratti barreefame malee, akka ‘article’ tokkootti, hamma dhumaatti itti hin yaadamne ture; waan ani dhiyeenya kana deebisee bareefama “Jawarawi Harakat …” jedhu keessatti kaaseef, namni biraa fide akka yaada (comment) godhee maxxanse. Namni na beeku tokko ammoo yaada kana dubbisee, “kun mataan isa akka ‘article’ tokkotti otuu maxxansamee dansaa dha” jedhee yaada naaf kenninaan jarjarsuu dhaan maxxansiise. Jarjarsuu kana keessatti, maqaa kutaa tokkoo (Shoa) fi maqaa namoota kutaa sana keessaa akka fakkeenyatti kennuun koo akka dubbistoonni hedduun jallaatti na hubatan godhe. Warri akkas na hubataniis na shakkuu fi na yakkuu filatan. Kan na gammachiise ammoo, namuu yaada isaa garagaraa dubbii sana irratti kennatee mariihachuu isaa ti.

Mee amma gara yaadaa akkas nu afaanfaajesse kana haa ilaallu. Akkan shakkame sana, ani Oromoo kutaa tokko yakkuuf hin barreessine, hubannaa ani seenaa Oromoof qabu keessaa xiqqo calaqise malee. Namoonni ani akka fakkeenyaatti kennes waruma sammuu kootti dhufan malee, itti yaadee isaan fileen miti; otuun yeeroo fudhee itti yaadera ta’ee akkas hin godhu ture; kanaaf jarjarsuun sun waan dogoggora fakkaate kana uume. Garuu akkas nu mariihachiisuun isaa ammoo, “bagan jarjaree maxxansiise” na jechisiise. Gaariis haa ta’u hamaa, yaadni ani dubbistoota irraa arge, hawaasa keenyaaf barumsa waan ta’u dha jedheen amana. Yaadni ani hamma ammaatti barreessaa ture hundi, hawaasa Oromoo mariihachiisu irra kan darbe, akeeka biraa hin qabu. Seenaan Oromoo ammoo, akkumaan afaan Inglizitiin ibsaa ture, akka Janus waan bifa (fuula) lama qabu fakkaata; isaanis:

- ‘Core-Oromianist narrative’ (seenaa isa warri ‘decolonization of Core-Oromia’tti amanan himani). Fuulli seenaa kun kan seenaa Oromiya isa faalla seenaa Abyssinia ta’e ibsu dha. Fuula kana kan qaban warra Core-Oromianist ta’anii seenaa Oromoo akka saba aadaa guddaa fi bulchinsa gaarii qabaachaa ture, garuu kolonii Abyssinia jalatti kufetti himan. Isaan kun Oromoo warra “I am Oromo first; Ethiopia is imposed on me” jedhu hunda hammata. Seenaa isaan himan, Oromoon saba Kush yoo ta’u, Habeshaan ammoo saba Semetic akka ta’e fi biyyooleen laman (Abyssinia fi Oromia) ollaa akka ta’an ibsa.

- ‘Great-Oromianist narrative’ (seena warri ‘democratization of Great-Oromia’ sammuutti qabani). Fuulli biraa kun, isa seenaa Oromiya fi seenaa Abyssinia walitti fiduu yaalu dha. Warri fuula kana calaqisan warra Oromoo akka saba biyya Ethiopia jedhamtu kana wagga 3000 bulchaa turreetti dhiyeesani. Isaan kun warra “I am Oromo, who contributed a lot in building the current Ethiopian state” jedhu. Seenaa isan himan kan warra Kush/Meroe waliin wal qabatee biyya lamaanuu (Abyssinia fi Oromiya) hammata. Oromoo warri “federation dhugaa fiduuf qabsoofna, yoo barbaachises maqaa union kanaa Great-Oromia baafna” jedhan fuula seenaa kanas ni keessumsiisu.

Yoo fakkeenyaaf seenaa keenya yeroo waraana addunyaa II, bara lolaa Xaliyaanii waliin goone (Oromoo gar tooko Xaaliyaan lolani, kaan ammo Xaaliyaan faana dhaabbatanii Habashaa lolan) fi Oromota nafxaanya Minilik ta’anii lafa argatan tokko-tokko ilaallu, gaaffiileen ka’uu malan: fuula lamaan kana akka seenaa Oromootti fudhachuu dandeenya moo tokko filachuu qabna? Bifa lamaan kana keessaa tokko jajuu fi kan biraa xiqqeessuu qabna moo lamaanuu qixa ilaaluu dandeenya? Yoo tokko filanne hoo, maaliif filanna? Fuula lamaan walitti fidnee, achi keessaa seenaa waloo tokko baasuu ni dandeenya?…kkf dha. Keessattu warri siyaasa Oromoo gaggeessu, seenaa tokko yoo dhiyeesan, akka mul’ata isaanii tajaajilutti ta’uuf itti yaadaniitu. Kanaaf natti fakkaata, qaamonni siyaasa Oromoo warri “federeshina dhugaa ijaarra, Ethiopia keessatti Oromiyan of bulchuu qabdi” jedhan, seena lamaanu kan keesumsiisan. Achirra ka’aniitu kaayyoo ‘Ethiopian Federation ykn Kush Federation ykn Oromian Federation‘ jedhu qabatanii kan deeman. Deegartoonni yaada kanaa gar-tokko, yoo furmaata yeroo dheeraaf ta’u barbaanne, “maqaa federation ijaaruuf deemnu sana Oromiya haa baasnu” jechaa jiru. Yoo kana goone, gara fulduraatti, “Oromootu Ethiopiawinet fudhata otuu hin taane, Habashaatu Oromiyawinet fudhata” jedhanii amanu.

Amma gaaffilee Ob. Abdii kaasee sana gaggabaabsee deebisuuf: yoon loltoota Semien fi Tigrai jedhu, loltuun Abyssinia bakka biraa (Gojjam, Gondar Kibbaa fi Lasta) Minilik II faana hin turre jechuu koo miti; loltoonni isaa hedduun garuu Shoa kaabaa keessaa ta’uu waan haallu natti hin fakkaatu; loltuun Tigrai ammoo Oromiya keessatti kan heddummaatte erga 1991 as malee, isa dura hin turre; “mooraa diinaa keessa kan hojjete hundi meeshaa fi gantuu dha” waan jedhu kun sirrii natti hin fakkaatu; moora diinaa keessa taa’ani firaaf hojjechuu fi miidhaa tokko lammii irratti otuu hin dalagiin jiraachuunis numa jira; ani barrefamaa koo keessatti kutaa Oromoo tokko yakkuu hin barbaanne, yakkamtoota Oromoo hundas qulqulleessuunis feedhii koo hin turre; garuu namoonni yaada koo dubbisan gar-tokko warri akkasitti na hubatan, otuu irra deddeebisanii yaada koo dubbisanii nan gammada; fakkeenyi kubbaa miillaa Jarman fi Poland sun yaaduma koo ibsuuf malee, taphatoota sana namoota haala siyyaasa keessa jiran wajjiin wal qixxeesuuf miti; Dr Fikre seena kan waggaa 3000 barreesse, ani ammoo kan waggaa 300 duwwaan ilaale, kanaaf yaadni keenyi lamaan wal hedduu wal hin fakkaatu.

Waanuma fedheefuu, awaara dheekkamsaa fi marii ho’aa akkasi kaasuun sun milkaa’ina barreefama sanaa argisiisa. Marii godhame hundatti ani gammadeen jira. Barreeffama dhihaatan keessatti, qabxiileen tokko-tokko namoota mariif akka kakaasuutti, yoo barbaachise akkas ‘provocative’ ta’uun barbaachisaa dha. Dubbistoonni gar-tokko garuu, waanuma yaadni koo isaaniif hin liqimsanneef jecha, waan ani “hammina dhoksaan” deemu fakkeessanii himuu barbaadan (they wanted to make a diagnosis of my “evil intention”). Kun dogoggora keessa isaan buusa malee, waan ani deemuf beekuu isaanii hin argisiisu. Gara fulduraafuu, akka Ob. Abdii godhe kana yaada mormuu fi xiinxaluu irratti otuu xiyyeefatanii gaarii dha. Hunda caalaa ammoo, ani yaada koo barreessee kaniin maxxansuu “barsiisuuf” miti, yoo namoonni yaada irratti kennan deebisee achi irraa barachuuf malee. Deebi’ii ani barreefama sanaaf argadhe garuu kan nama ajaayibu: dubbistoonni gar tokko “this is collective criminalization” jedhanii akka ani Oromoo kutaa tokkoo yakketti hubatan; warri kaan ammoo “this is collective de-criminalization” jedhanii akka ani yakkamtoota qulqulleesuu yaaleetti na fudhatan. Bareeffama tokkoof bifa wal hin simmanne lama kennan. Kan ani gochuu barbaade garuu, “importance of critical history” argisiisuu ture; “politicized history” hunda of waga’uu dhiisnee, ija qeeqaatiin seenaa keenya haa ilaallu jechuu koo ti. Hunda caalaa garuu, yoo akka dogoggoraatti fudhatame, maqaa kutaa Shoa duwwaa kaasuun koo, olola diinaaf karaa akka bane arguu dandaheen jira.

Diinni Oromoo qaawa akkasii yoo argattu, akka titiisa raqa argattee itti gammaddi; sanattis fayadamtee Oromoo walitti naquuf tattaafatti. Oromoof garuu yaada addaaddummaa qabu bifa gaarii fi nagaan keesumsiisuun haaraa miti; abbootiin keenya sirna Gadaa keessatti Odaa jala taa’anii akkasitti mariihachaa fi yaadaan wal dura dhaabachaa turan; ni wal dhaggeefatu ture, ni wal dandahus; abaarsii fi arrabni dubbii Oromoo keessa hin jiru ture. Gumii Gaayyoo keessatti Oromoon yaada garagaraa hundaaf bakka kenna; yaada walii ugguruun hin jiru; namuu seenaa fi kaayyoo addaaddaa sodaa tokko malee gadi baasee hima, mariifis dhiyeessa; “tolerance of diverse opinions” akkasii kun aadaa Oromoo keessatti beekamaa dha; maaliif kana barreesite ykn dubbatte jedhani wal yakkuun hin jiru ture. Seenaan garuu kan akka dhugaatti fudhatamu yoo waan dhugaa fakkaatu keessa jiraate dha; maaltu dhugaa dha, kamtu dhara jedhani irraa mariihachuun waanuma jiru. Anis waanuman dhagahee fi dubbise irran barreese; yoo dhugaa hin fakkaanne ykn ammoo kan qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo miidhu ta’e, yaada akkasi dura dhabbachuun rakkina hin qabu. Walumaa galatti, ergaa ani barreefamoota koo dhiyeenya kana maxxanfaman keessatti dabarsuu barbaade, “Oromummaan duula warra Ethiopiawinet leellisuun godhamu irran kan ka’e laafuu hin danda’u ykn bishaawuu hin qabu” kan jedhu ture. Afaan Inglizitiin gababsee kaahuun yoo barbaachise:

The campaign of Ethiopiawinet (Ethiopian nationalism) to dilute Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) is a futile exercise. If the territorial integrity of the union is chosen to be kept intact by the Oromo people, then we now need to move on and struggle to realize the following five important virtues: 1) Democracy, including the national self-determination, to be the future rule of the political game in the federation/union; 2) Afaan Oromo to be the primary working language of the federal government; 3) Freedom from the hegemonist Woyane and from any sort of national domination; 4) Odaa to be the central part of the flag for the union; 5) Great-Oromia (land of the braves) to be the name of the future true federation, replacing Ethiopia (land of the burnt face). Only the fulfillment of these five parameters can be the possible guarantee for the future long-lasting multinational federation. If the other nations, including the Abyssinians, fail to accept this demand and/or offer, the further push for an independent republic of the Core-Oromia is inevitable. It is up to them to choose an integrative Great-Oromia in order to avoid the disintegration of the union, which will be caused by an eventual independent Core-Oromia.

Dhuma irratti gaaffii Ob. Abdii isa guddaa sana deebisuun yaala. Inis akkas jedhee gaafate: “kennaan, dandeettii fi beekumsi Oromoo kan fedhii saba Oromootiif hin taane ykn hin oolle hiikkaan isaa maali?” Hiikkaa isaa sirriitti arguuf waan lama adda baasuu qabna: hiikkaa kennaan akkasii lammiif qabu fi hiikkaan inni nama sanaaf qabu. Kennaan, dandeettii fi beekumsi nama akkasi kun, fayidaa lammii fi saba isaaf hin oolle malee ofi isaaf qabeenya guddaa dha. Nammoota akkasi kana irraa dandeettiin isaani mulqamuu hin qabu, ammoo garee hin taaneef akka oole himuun barbaachisaa dha. Yoo kennaan kun yakka lammii ofii irratti hojjechuuf oolee jira ta’e, ragaa dhiyeessuudhaan himamuu qaba. Ergaan ani barreefama sana keessatti dabarsuu yaales kanuma. Dandeentii dhuunfaa namoota akkasiif beekumsa kennuu jechuun, yakka isaanii irraa dhiquu jechuu miti. Yoo yakka hojetanii jiru ta’es, “they are simply well talented criminals”. Kanaatii achi, haala amma keessa jirrutti yoo fuula Janus (seenaa Oromoo) lamaan keessaa tokko dhiisnee, isa kaan duwwaa ilaalle, kun garaagarummaa ilalchaa ti malee yakka miti. Ani fuula isaa tokko yoon arge, Ob. Abdii ammoo isa bira yoo ilaale, lamaan keenyu mirga qabna. Kanaaf jenne wal hin balaalefannu, hin abaarru, hin yakkinu; hunda caalaa ammoo Rabbi/Waaq keenyas akka nuti wal hubannu numa nu gargaara; haa jabaannu!

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at foromia@yahoo.com.

The following opinion piece appeared on AlJazeera.com; and it’s authored by Amb. Akbar Ahmed and Frankie Martin – both at American University in Washington.

In August 2011, Bekele Gerba, an English teacher at Addis Ababa University and prominent politician, met with a delegation from Amnesty International to discuss the human rights situation in Ethiopia. Gerba, a vocal activist on behalf of his largely Muslim Oromo people, was deputy chairman of the opposition party Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) and a member of the executive committee of Medrek, the country’s main opposition coalition.

To the Ethiopian government, however, Gerba was a terrorist. Four days after the meeting, he was arrested. In November 2012 Gerba was convicted and imprisoned under Ethiopia’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation for association with the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which the government has asserted is linked with al-Qaeda affiliated entities.

According to organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, however, Gerba was guilty of being Oromo and talking of the plight of his people. Shortly before his arrest, Gerba had described the challenges facing his community, telling Voice of America “Anyone who speaks the [Oromo] language and does not belong to the ruling party is a suspect and can be taken to prison any time.” Gerba and other incarcerated Oromo (Oromo rights groups estimate there are around 20,000 Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia) continue to spark protests in Ethiopia and across the global Oromo diaspora.

– Read the Full Article

The following is an Urgent Action statement from the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA). HRLHA is a nonpolitical organization (with the UN Economic and Social Council – (ECOSOC) Consultative Status), which attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa.

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July 16, 2013

Public: For Immediate Release

In a development related to HRLHA URGENT ACTION, May 7, 2013, “Ethiopia: Loss of Lives and Displacement Due to Border Dispute in Eastern Ethiopia,” HRLHA has learnt that three innocent civilians have been killed, and two others wounded in eastern Oromia’s Regional State, in Ethiopia in a violence that involved the Federal Government’s special force known as LIYYU POLICE. According to HRLHA informants, the three dead victims of this most recent attack by the federal Liyyu Police/Special Police that took place in the early morning of July 7, 2013 in the Gaara-Wallo area in Qumbi District of Eastern Hararge Province in Eastern Ethiopia were:

1. Mr. Ibrahim Henno, 38;
2. Mr. Mahammed Musa, 26;
3. Mr. Mohammed Yusuf, 27.

The two wounded victims of this same violent action were Mr. Nuredin Ismael (age 25) and Mr. Ali Mohammed (age 27). HRLHA has confirmed that both Mr. Nuredin and Mr. Ali have since been treated at the Hiwot Fana Hospital in the city of Harar. More shocking was that the bodies of the three dead victims were eaten by hyenas, because there was nobody around to pick and bury – as the whole village was deserted when the villagers were forced by the armed federal forces to leave the area. According to HRLHA correspondents and other sources, the forced eviction has been taking place in the name of alleged border dispute between the two neighbouring states of Oromia and Ogaden; although the Ogadenis have reiterated that they have not made a land claim along the border. The victims claim that the forced displacements that have been going on for over eight months, and were always accompanied by dispossession, looting, and confiscations of properties.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa once again urges the Ethiopian Federal Government and the Regional Government of Oromia to discharge their responsibilities of ensuring the safety and stability of citizens by taking immediate actions of interference to bring the violence to end, and facilitate the return of the displaced Oromos back to their homes. It also calls upon all local, regional and international diplomatic and human rights organizations to impose necessary pressures on both the federal and regional governments so that they refrain from committing irresponsible actions against their own citizens for the purpose of political gains.

RECOMMENDED ACTION:
• Please send appeals to the Ethiopian Government and its concerned officials as swiftly as possible, in English or Amharic, mentioning to refrain from committing irresponsible actions against their own citizens

• to bring to justice those members of “LIYYU POLICE” who committed crimes against innocent civilians

APPEALS TO:
• His Excellency: Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn
Prime Minister of Ethiopia
P.O.Box 1031
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Telephone:- +251 155 20 44; +251 111 32 41
Fax:- +251 155 20 30 , +251 1552020

• His Excellency Mr. Alemayehu Atomsa
Oromiya National Regional State President Office
Telephone:- 0115510455

• Office of the Ministry of Justice
PO Box 1370
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax:- +251 11 5517775; +251 11 5520874
Email:- ministry-justice@telecom.net.et

CC
• Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Office at Geneva
1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Fax:_ + 41 22 917 9022
(particularly for urgent matters) E-mail:- tb-petitions@ohchr.org

• African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR)
48 Kairaba Avenue
P.O.Box 673
Banjul, The Gambia.
Tel:- (220) 4392 962, 4372070, 4377721 – 23
Fax:- (220) 4390 764
E-mail: achpr@achpr.org

• U.S. Department of State
Tom Fcansky, Foreign Affairs Officer
Email:- TOfcansky@aol.com
Washington, D.C. 20037
Tel:- +1-202-261-8009
Fax:- +1-202-261-8197

• Amnesty International – London
Clairy Beston
Telephone:- +44-20-74135500
Fax number:- +44-20-79561157
Email:- TGibson@amnesty.org

• Human Rights Watch
Filix Horn/ Leslie Lefkow
lefkowl@hrw.org; rawlenb@hrw.org
Tel:- +1-212-290-4700
Fax:- +1-212-736-1300
Email:- hrwnyc@hrw.org

by Ebissa Ragassa | OPride.com

The once suppressed truth about Oromo people finally reached a global audience on June 25 when Al Jazeera’s The Stream aired, “Oromos seek justice in Ethiopia.”

Instead of using the program as a teachable moment, a time for national contemplation and introspection about Ethiopia’s collective history, the two young activists Jawar Mohammed and Mohammed Ademo received a mob lynching, even if online. The half-hour segment on Al Jazeera provided an important opportunity to initiate a national discussion on how the very formation of Ethiopia led to the current crisis, including opposing viewpoints on Jawar and Ademo’s presentation.

- Read the Full Article (OPride.com)

by Ayyaantuu Tibeessoo | OPride.com

Oromo rights advocates and Ethiopian activists quarreled over Al Jazeera’s decision to address the plight of Oromo people during its flagship social media show, The Stream earlier this week.

The network’s announcement of the show, “Oromo seek justice in Ethiopia” on Monday evening drew a lot of applause, opposition, accusations, counter accusations, and denouncements on various social media networks.

– Read the Full Article (OPride.com)

By Tesfaye Kebede*

Introduction
After observing the political raucous in the Ethiopianist camp over the last four weeks since the airing of the Al Jazeera’s The Stream program on the persecution of the Oromo, the largest ethnic group in the Ethiopian empire, one has to wonder who constitutes this Ethiopianist camp. Especially, their attacks on Obbo Jawar Mohammed for stating the most obvious of all, that he was an Oromo first, shows the Ethiopianist camp is detached from the realty not only in Oromia, but also in the rural Amhara region, where young men and women are proudly saying, “we are Amhara first;” “we are Agaw first;” “we are Kemant first,” etc. depending on the nationality of the youth.

These Ethiopianists, with their strongest base in Washington DC, are urbanized Amhara and Habeshanized elites who are falsely convinced that they are guardians of the Ethiopian nationalism, which seeks to create a single Ethiopian nation out of the more-than 70 nations, nationalities and peoples in the Ethiopia empire. According to this Ethiopian nationalism, the Greater Ethiopian nation will speak one-language – Amharic; believes in one-religion – the Orthodox Christianity led by an Amhara Patriarch; practices one-culture – the Amhara-Tigrean urbanized Habesha culture. In order to achieve this Greater Ethiopian nationhood, the more-than 70 nations, nationalities and peoples in the Ethiopian empire will be subjected to second-class citizenship on their own land until they are fully Habeshanized and urbanized to become a member of the Greater Ethiopian nation. In this nationalism, even the rural Amhara group will be subjected to cultural mockery and linguistic ridicule (such as making the Gondare rural Amharic accent the punchline of a comedy) until it becomes an urbanized and Habeshanized member of the Greater Ethiopian nation.

Thus, it should surprise no one that the strongest base of this political group, i.e. the Ethiopianist camp, is in Diaspora in DC with some sympathizers in Addis Ababa, where it has neither physical nor psychological attachment to the realty of Oromia or even the rural Amhara region, the very region which this camp says it represents first and foremost.

Probably, the best political characterization of this group was done by the late Dr. Siegfried Pausewang, one of the most prominent researchers in Ethiopian studies – who once wrote a paper on the very subject following the 2005 election. An excerpt from that paper is quoted below. Background: in the 2005 election, the Ethiopianist camp presented itself as CUD (Kinijit) – shedding its prior existences as “All-Amhara” in early 1990′s, as “All-Ethiopian” in late 1990′s, and as “Rainbow Ethiopia” in early 2000′s.

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Excerpt from Siegfried Pausewang’s paper, published in 2006:

“The Great Illusion of CUD
It is very likely that most of the leaders of CUD as well as the majority of their members seriously believe that they represent the rationally understood interests of “all” Ethiopians. They believe their political view is logical and self-evident, and they can not understand why people could oppose their logic, unless for purely selfish reasons of preserving the privileges the present regime offers them.

“It is equally likely that most leaders of CUD in the evening of 15th May 2005 were seriously convinced they had won a majority in the House of Representatives. The huge demonstration of May 8 had created a veritable euphoria in Addis Ababa. CUD rallied more people than the government had managed a day before by offering free bus rides and organising participation in government offices and companies,. The message seemed obvious and clear: The masses are with us, they want a change, they want CUD. When the first election results announced, they were convinced of a resounding victory. CUD had won all seats from Addis Ababa except one in the House of Representatives, and victories from other towns, from Amhara and Gurage areas were reported.

“Boycotting the parliament, CUD fell right into the trap and could easily be split into several fractions fighting and discrediting each other. But they still are all part of an urban political movement. As a political identity, I think it is still possible to speak of CUD as one camp.

“Public Debate Excludes the Rural Majority
It is not astonishing that CUD appears as “the” opposition. But it is an appearance that hides a democratic deficiency. Since Ethiopia’s first experiments with democracy, public debate excludes substantial parts of the population. Observers unanimously agree that the public atmosphere before the 2005 election was much more open, inclusive, and democratic than any time before. Yet, we have to conclude that public debate excluded the rural majority. People in the rural areas, particularly the more remote parts far from towns and all weather roads, had and continue to have no access whatsoever to such debate. Their majority are illiterate, and have thus no access to read the press. Even those who can read, do not get newspapers regularly. The radio is the only medium they can access for information. But the radio continues to be in the hands and the control of the government. Peasants have no access to make their views and interests represented or heard on the radio. Even less is their access to the political discourse in Addis Ababa. In parliament, the democratic arena where interests and arguments are supposed to meet and confront each other, peasants are not represented as long as they have no political organisation that formulates their political views.

“CUD claims to represent also their interests. So does EPRDF. But both do so against all logic. Even the election campaign, applauded for its opening of access to the press, and the debates life sent on radio and television, excluded the rural majority in practice. The debate was more or less monopolised by a confrontation between EPRDF and CUD, with some other parties in a marginal position. It had practically no input of what rural people would recognise as their interests. CUD was allowed to stand as “the” opposition, the only group to effectively present an alternative to EPRDF.

“CUD can best be characterised as an urban Amhara populist movement to the political right. It is important to note its urban characteristics, for two reasons. It represents and gives voice to the interests of urban intellectuals, bureaucrats and business people, and is attractive even to the urban poor who hope for a business boom offering them jobs and opportunities. And it is urban Amhara, in the sense of an ambiguity in Amhara identity: Amhara, today the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, was the dominating ethnicity for many centuries. Since the 15th century, the Christian Amharic culture was the medium of assimilation in a multi-ethnic central state, as the late Sevir Chernetsov (1993, 1996) observed. Whoever wanted to advance in the military or the administration, would have to speak Amharic and adopt the essentials of Christian Amharic culture. Especially after the rapid expansion of the Ethiopian empire in the process of European colonisation of Africa, Amharic culture was superimposed over other conquered peoples in the South. The cultures of Southern ethnicities were suppressed, their languages forbidden in public context, and their peasants exploited and subjected to serfdom. In the 20th century, Amharic became increasingly the language and culture of the educated elites and the bureaucracy (Chernetsov 1993, Pausewang 2005).

“This urban Amhara elite group continues to be quite distinct from the rural Amhara as an ethnicity, who remained peasants, with a high level of illiteracy prevailing. In another context (Pausewang 2005) I have demonstrated why this group adopted an All-Ethiopian nationalism built on a vision of a strong central state with Amharic as integrating language and urban culture. The urban Amhara would appear as its natural leaders. But in the other ethnicities this vision revives a fear of a return to the Imperial order which would make them once again loose their freedom to develop their languages and cultures, and would bring back their erstwhile landlords with their hated neftegna (gun-men) rule.

“CUD as a political movement is the direct heir to an Urban Amhara political protest in 1991. The urban multi-ethnic Amharigna-speaking intellectuals intended to overcome tribal differences by forming one integrated Ethiopia, and to create an all Ethiopian identity. They were refused to be registered as a political organisation of “Ethiopians”. Forced to identify as ethnicity, they ended up forming the “All Amhara Peoples Organisation”. Amharic as the leading language and culture in the region since several centuries, it seemed natural that it should become the lingua franca and the dominating culture in a multiethnic Ethiopia, and the educated urban Amhara must have appeared as its “natural” leaders.

“So convincing must have appeared their vision of a united Ethiopian identity, that they did not even see why their programme should be disliked by other ethnicities or groups. Indeed, CUDs programme can not be acceptable to the rural majority. It can not either suit the interests of the Southern ethnic groups who still bear the trauma of conquest, occupation, and economic and cultural suppression. It is hardly to be expected that the Muslims would feel particularly attracted by CUD. True, they face under the present regime less restrictions than any time before and enjoy more freedoms to develop their culture and to build mosques all over the country. But it is not likely that they would follow a programme of a unification under a Christian – Amhara dominated party. And there are other groups too who would hardly feel represented by CUD. Altogether, this limits CUDs grounds for recruitment to a small fraction of the total Ethiopian population.”

Today, though CUD ceased to exist as a single entity shortly after the 2005 election, the Ethiopianist camp continues to make noises out of desperation, especially through its media outlets, such as ESAT, Awramba-Times and ECADForum – most of these outlets are operated by former cadres and activists of the now defunct CUD – posing as journalists.

* Tesfaye Kebede can be reached at TesfayeKebedeLives@gmail.com

By Leggese A. Gurmu | The GulelePost.com

Ethiopian Nationalism is a wounded nationalism. The bloody war it has been fighting with its foes since the 1960s has left it severely wounded. It has been fighting both with its internal and external enemies which were created, harbored and brought up by Narrow Ethiopian Nationalism itself. It has been decisively defeated both in the battles of armed struggles and in the realm of ideas. Due to these bitter defeats Eritrea has gone forever. “Ethno”-Nationalists (even though I do not like this name, I could not get better one) have got State power and launched bloody wars against Ethiopian Nationalism. In fact, Ethno-Nationalists have scored so many successive “victories” that has far deepened the wound of Ethiopian Nationalism. Due to these defeats, Ethiopian Nationalists have started to doubt the validity and viability of their political commitments and values. They have lost self values and have become trapped into the vicious cycle that could be analogized to theory of “insecurity dilemma” of the given regime.

– Read the Full Article (The GulelePost.com)

By Awol Allo | The GulelePost via The Glasgow Legal Theory

That was the question put to Jawar Mohamed by Al Jazeera’s The Stream co-host Femi Oki. Jawar’s response—‘I am an Oromo first’, and that ‘Ethiopia is imposed on me’—raised a political tsunami that provides us with a unique and revealing insight into the moral parochialism and ethical deadlock that pervades our political imagination. Many moved too quick and jumped too fast- seeking to obliterate the political stature of the man they lauded as ‘progressive’ and ‘visionary’ not long ago. Their love affair with Jawar came to a sudden halt with his declaration of loyalty to his ethnic subjectivity, as opposed to his Ethiopian subjectivity. Their objection was not merely against Jawar’s specific claims but a concern with why the ‘Oromo’ question, and why at this time.

– Read the Full Article (The GulelePost.com)

(Latest UPDATE – OPride.com: users in ‪#‎Ethiopia‬ say Twitter and Facebook access restored around 9:30 a.m. local time after a 12-hour blackout)

(OPride – July 19, 2013) – Social networking giants, Facebook and Twitter, remained inaccessible in Ethiopia without censorship circumvention tools at least for 10 hours starting Thursday afternoon, users said. Frustrated users reported getting blank pages both on mobile and desktop after trying different browsers such as Google Chrome, Internet Explorer, and Firefox.

– Read the Full Story (OPride.com)

Dhugaasaa D. Gobanaa irraa | (Gumii.org | 2002)

Anniisaa Oromoo yaa Oromummaa,
Aadaa tokkummaa akkaataa yaadaa,
Ibsituu seenaa hundee sabbonummaa,
Raagaa bilisummaa wabii birmadummaa,
Madda eenyummaa kan hidda dhiigaa,
Mallattoon kee maali, maaltu si ibsaa?

Afaan Oromummaa maaliin dubbannee?
Sammuu Oromummaan akkammiin yaadnee?
Ija dubbii fi cuunfaa akkammiin himnee?
Cubbuu fi safuu Oromoo akkammiin egnee?
Qomoon Oromoo hundi waltanee,
Akkammiin ha boonyuu gaafa gaddinee?
Akkammiin ha cooknuu gaafa gammadnee?
Anniisaa Oromummaa yaa guraamalee,
Yaada moo yookiin kuusaa amantee?
Maaltu si ibsaa, ati maaliree?

Kutaan moo gandaan maaliin si waamnu?
Achii dhufaan kee essa siin jedhnu?
Madda Walabuu moo Qellam jiraattaa?
Gama warra Hiluu moo Gursuumiin bobbataa?
Yoo aduun dhiitu eessa qubattaa?
Gama Moccaa moo gandaa Walbaraa?
Amboo moo baabillee bishaan maal dhugdaa?
Bunnoo Baddallee kan Iluabbaboraaf Jimmaa,
Noonnoo moo Woborraa Buna eessaa dhugdaa?
Dhaangaankee maali kan ittiin bultuu?
Kafannikee maali kan si bareechuu?
Raga Oromummaa maalumaan ibsuu?

Gaafilee hedduu maaltu deebisaa?
Haa caqasnuu laata dhaadhanoo sabaa,
Kan saba Oromoo kan sirna abba Gadaa.

Afaan Oromoo ibsa Oromummaa,
Aadaan Oromoo madda Oromummaa,
Seenaan Oromoo hundee Sabboonummaa,
Rakkoon Oromoo sirna garbummaa,
Kaayyoon Oromoo galiin Bilisummaa,
Yaa Biyya Oromoo sabnikee gootaa,
Gurraacha, diimaa adiin dhaadhataa,
Tokkummaan Oromoo wabii birmadummaa,
Lammirra kan hafee eenyu waliif dhiigaa?
Qomoo Oromooti jinfuun Oromummaa,
Yaa guraamalee siida Oromummaa,
Xaxxee si hiitus sirni garbummaa,
Siif waregamna halkaniif guyyaa,
Anniisaa Oromummaan ni bilisoomtaa!

Qabsoo Oromoo kan nuu finiinsu,
Mirga-uumaa namaaf kan kabaja kennu,
Sirna walqixxummaan kan utubamuu,
Hawaasa Oromoo kan nuu gurmeessu,
Qabeenya Oromoo kan nuu mijjeessu,
Gamtaa jireenyaa kan nuuf misoomsu,
Siida Oromumma maaliin haawaamnu?

Seera uuma namaa inni hangafaa,
Kan gargar nu baasu uuma kaan irraa,
Dandeetti yaadaati waan hunda caalaa,
Yaaduu danda’uun garuu qobaasaa,
Utuubaa hin ta’u kan sabboonummaa.
Saba Oromoof daandii yaadaa dhunfaa,
Kan gargar nu baasuu saba kaan irra
Marsinee teenyee gaaddisa Odaa,
Yoo tilmaamanu galii Bilisummaa,
Handhuura dubbii murtii isa cunfaa,
Beekkumsa Oromooti ibsaan duukkanaa!

Beekumsa Oromoo kan finna qabuu,
Guudina dalagaan kan nu gabbisuu,
Gabbina kuusamee kan nu ball’isuu,
Ball’ina har’aati badhaadhiinni boruu,
Badhaadhan malee hormaanni hin jiruu,
Hormaataan malee maliin dagaaguu,
Dagaagan malee maliin dagaa-hooruu,
Dagaa-hooran ebba lammiif guumachuu,
Gumaata lammiin mirga dhunfatuu!

Beekkumsa Oromoo siida Oromummaa,
Haqalbeffannu jechaa ofittuumaa.
Ofittuumaan seera kan uuma namaa,
Hintaatu garu hidda sabboonummaa,
Madda eenyummaa kan birmadummaa,
Kan onnee tuqee kan nu raasu garaa,
Hundee birmadummaa dhaadhannoo Sabaa,
Hundiinu tokkoof tokkoos kan hundaa!
Qomoon Oromoo walirratti duunaa!
Tokkummaan Oromoo siida Oromummaa!

Mirga ilma namaa Qoosaa godhatee?
Xobbee ajjesee Oromummaa tuqee!
Sirna garbummaati kan nu takaalee,
Qacceen hin iyyu qincabbii malee,
Qoosaan hin jiru erga lammiin dhumee,
Qomoo Oromoo yoomiif tenyaree?
Jedhee lammiin boonyaan diinni nuti qoosee.

Qomoo Oromoo dhaagessuu dhaamsa,
Qondalli dhumuun hegereef gorsa,
Qacceen Oromoo qincaabbiin meqaa?
Qalissa xiqqatti yoo iyyaan qobaa,
Qabxiin hirmachuun dalagaaf tolaa,

Yoo deeman garu daandii Bilisummaa,
Adeemsa seena kan mirga-uumaa,
Kan dhuma hinqabnee jatanii sabaa,
Kuufani kaa’uuf halkaaniif guyyaa,
Kan hamilee jabessu akka buurrusaa,
Harkisan hin cittu funyoon sibilaa,
Haaqalbefannu jechaaf makmaksa,
“Wasaasa tafkii qomootuu gumachaa”,
Tokkummaan Oromoo siida Oromummaa!

Aadaa halagaa kan nu cunqursuu,
Irkoo godhanee yoo feene deemuu,
Qabsoon Oromoo fiixaan hin bawuu,
Caasaa Oromummaan haa gurmeffamnuu!
Caasaa Oromummaa eenyu nuu ibsaa?
Booranaaf Bareentuun maal yaadu laata?
Murtii Odaa Garres Bultuum nuu ibsaa?
Arsiif Walloon maaliin walguumachaa?
Kan Odaa Roobaa Makoodiin tuumsaa?
Maccaaf Tuulaamni maaliin dhaadhataa?
Kan Odaa Bisil Nabeen faarsataa?
Abdiin hegeree wabiin Bilisummaa,
Sapheera Oromoo siida Oromummaa,
Edoo bu’uu qabuu caasaa gabrummaa.

Akkaataa yaadaa hundee Oromummaa,
Hawaasa Oromoo hayyuun walgorsaa,
Qabsoon Oromoo adeemsa seenaa,
Akka finiinuuf halkaani fi guyyaa,
Yoo qomoo malee halagaan diinaa,
Nama nama ajjeese gumaan ararsaa,
Tokkummaan Oromoo siida Oromummaa!
Waltaanee haa deemnu daandii Bilisummaa,
Lammi dhageessuu dhaamsa Oromummaa!!

The following was written by a member of the prior Oromo youth generation in the 1980′s – during the Derg era. ‘The Kindling Point #4′ is a reminder of yesterday’s darkness; equally, the dark yesterday’s shadow cast on today demands revisiting ‘The Kindling Point #4′ for today.

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The Kindling Point #4: On the Power of Phrases

By Hordhoofa Qabsisa Loltu

When I declared my own personal independence from Ethiopia, all I had to do was tell my friends and acquaintances to start referring to me as an Oromo. Abyssinians had their own special curse word for their long-time mortal enemies who recently became their slaves; that word was “Galla.” What is unbelievable is that they were able to get the world also to call us “Gallas” for almost a hundred years. If you go to the card catalogue of any library, you find the word “Galla” to refer to my people instead of Oromo. But, you cannot find anyone living on the land who will use that word to refer to himself. It has always been an insult for Oromos.

The closest thing that I can think of that is as strong as “Galla” is the American word “nigger.” Can you imagine a European coming to the United States in the 1800′s and going around the plantation with the master observing the situation, and then writing a report on “Niggers in America”? That is exactly what has been happening inside the Ethiopian empire ever since the Abyssinians conquered the Oromo republic in the 1890′s, cut it into pieces, and made its citizens their tenants. This happened after they got their hands on Remington rifles. The word Oromo and the greatest democratic tradition on the African continent, Gada, were replaced by an institutionalized insult: “Galla,” and a network of suspicious landlords and police. They carried those Remington rifles everywhere and their spy network reported on any “uppity Galla.”

Any son of a slave (“Galla”), who went to school, had to prove how deserving he was to be going into the armed stronghold, the town, which was really foreign territory to him, and to be learning the language of the conquerors. He was taught that, this government by armed men was called “Ethiopia,” and he was told that it was the greatest African empire on the earth. He had to memorize the genealogy of its conquering generals and kings. He learned that the “Gallas” had been horrible savages and ruthless killers, who were sent out on bloodthirsty missions and carried home the genitals of their victims. He was taught that the “Gallas” had a heathen culture that had to be destroyed for the good of mankind. It was the job of all educated “Gallas” to help replace those pagan traditions with Amhara culture, and substitute this primitive language with Amharic, I was one of these educated. It was our privilege to be a part of this civilizing process. It seems amazing now, but many of us accepted the assignment. School children like myself became ashamed to admit that we had anything to do with these horrible “Galla” people. Most of us accepted Amharic names and tried to pass for Abyssinian. When I think of what proof they tried to give us about the culture of “Gallas” and how they behaved, I remember that teachers used to read from old Amhara monks’ diaries and from the position papers written by the Emperor’s scribes, which were meant to justify the massive killings by Abyssinian kings of neighboring peoples. The stories did not match with what my grandfather had told me about the Oromos. These school lessons did not match what I knew when I was growing up in the Oromo countryside about the way our lives were, organized around the concept of peace and reconciliation. But that did not occur to me then.

It has occurred to me now. It has occurred to a great number of Oromos that our very own history has been written by other people. It is not a new thing on the African continent for the history of a people to be written by their conquerors. Coming out of darkness about one’s own past has always been part of the process of liberation.

Everyone recognizes that this kind of national liberation is a battle of all the people together. But, it is also a difficult personal battle for the educated ones. Our battles do not take place on the battlefields; the ammunition that disables us is words. For us, a single phrase can be more powerful than a bullet. It can go straight to the heart and make a person weak with terror. It can go to the brain, scramble thoughts. A phrase or a label can silence a person completely. It can make him impotent. Our conquerors built up a huge arsenal of potent phrases to use against us every time we showed an interest, sympathy or pride in our own tradition, and they took a shot at us every chance they got. They still do.

Then, I think of the times that I was silenced by a single word or phrase; it amazes me, All someone had to do was suggest that I might be a “separatist,” or an “extremist,” and I shut my mouth. I was simply terrified of being “misunderstood” and losing my “friends.” If someone labeled me, it had the same effect as if he had put a bullet in my brain at close range – one difference, though: If I had been shot, no one could possibly suggest that I was silent because I was fine and everything satisfactory.

For me, to decide to call myself an Oromo and to insist that all others call me an Oromo was my moment of truth. You may think that it is just a small thing. But for me, it was war. It was easier for me with strangers whom I met at parties. When I decided to draw a line for my old school friends and Ethiopian social acquaintances not to cross, I knew I had reached a point of no return. It took me a long time to work up the courage. At first, I reduced my contact with many friends, saying that I was busy and out of town. In that time, I was reading everything I could find on Ethiopia and Oromo, all with a new perspective.

Finally, after a long period, an Ethiopian friend called me on the Ethiopian New Year, I decided to respond.

“Hello, Happy New Year! It has been a long time since you disappeared. Let’s celebrate together anyway and catch up with each other.”

“Hi. What is it that you are celebrating?”

“It is our new year.”

“Ours?” I asked. But I agreed to go.

When I arrived at the restaurant, two more Ethiopians were there. It is what I expected. None of them ever talked to me about politics or anything controversial when we were alone, but when everyone got together, then each one individually got brave. I have always been the one who felt that I had to prove myself and my loyalty by repeating their ideas with more force than they used. I would be the first to say something negative, or to condemn the Gallas who wanted to make trouble. It was done to avoid being categorized. Tonight would be different.

At the dinner, it was not long until they detected the change in me, my unwillingness to do as before. Then came the test. “Well, how about the Tigray victories these days? And some of the Gallas are saying that they are a colony?”

I said that I thought the Tigreans had a legitimate question of democracy which they are entitled to.

“As for the Gallas, why do I have to prove myself to you all the time? Listen to me, I do not want to hear the word Galla anymore. You should address me as an Oromo. I will not even speak to anyone from now on who refers to me or to my people as Gallas, or to our language as Gallinya.”

“Since when?” one asked, “What happened?”

“Is that why you have been so cool?” asked another.

The friend who had first called to invite me out said, “Does this have anything to do with why you said, ‘Ours?’ when I reminded you about the new year?”

“Yes, It is not mine, but yours. Oromo New Year has not come yet.”

“Oh, sorry, you see it that way. Nobody here ever said that you are not a Galla – sorry, I mean Oromo—but just that you are Ethiopian first. Like us, Aren’t you?”

“No, I was an Oromo first, and I am an Oromo first.”

“This is new. Does that mean that you have joined the WORROOMOO revolution?”

I looked at them, and for the first time in my life, I felt sorry for them. These are the sons and daughters of the armed guards who were over Oromos. Their parents had been the landlords over my people. They had been raised in the towns and gone to schools there. Their whole way of life was built up on the backs of working Oromos. They looked down on ones who worked hard. Their families had actually produced very little, but instead spent all of their time in court arguing and backbiting each other and fighting over who was going to get a bigger share of what the Oromos had produced, dividing and redividing among themselves what there was.

“You used to laugh at Oromo kids, who you called ‘Gallas,’ when they were whipped for speaking their own language on the school grounds. Don’t make the same mistake again. Don’t make fun of the Oromos or some of us who decide to support those who are defending themselves against this kind of outrage today.”

“Can’t we forget what is passed? Yes, that was wrong.”

“Is it passed?” I asked, “Today, it is worse. Instead of being whipped on the school yard, people are being imprisoned, sent away to the military, suspected of being a ‘narrow nationalists’ and receiving ‘revolutionary justice.”

“We don’t approve that. That is also wrong. Can’t we build a country together? We are one people,”

“What makes you and me one? We do not speak the same language; we do not share the same history or the same culture. We never had the same governmental structure. Oromos do not have any more in common with you than with all other human beings on the earth. There are many societies with whom the Oromos share much more in terms of history and common experience than with Abyssinia.”

They were shocked to hear this coming from me.

“Then, what do you want? Do you want to break the country up into tiny pieces? Are you advocating fragmentation? Is that your objective? That would lead to crisis; you know that very well.”

I stopped and realized that there was a time when I would have been absolutely terrified at the accusation that I was advocating fragmentation. But, I sat there and looked back at them and said, “Tell me. How could this empire be in any worse crisis than it is now? Millions are starving. The government is bombing people on every side. And you are telling me fragmentation would bring crisis? Tell me. How would the demands of people for their rights bring fragmentation? Tell me what you mean by fragmentation.”

“It is getting late; let’s stop it right there,” they said, Good night.”

“Good night,” I said, leaning back in my chair.

That was when the power of their phrases lost any control over me.

—————————-

H. Q. Loltu is not gone. The Struggle Continues (A Luta Continua).

Ms. Obsee Arada was crowned as the Hegeree Media/OPride’s Miss Oromo of North America 2013 on July 5th during the Oromo Week in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

(The GulelePost.com) – In recent weeks, several video clips from my speeches at various events have been systematically edited to present a narrative that portrays me in the worst moral and political light. The latest of these doctored videos are pieced together to create the impression that I was advocating violence against Christians in Ethiopia. Needless to say, this is a calculated and horrendous political strategy so commonplace in the Ethiopian political landscape. Let me say as clearly as I can: I find such views so revolting and so repugnant that it has no place in any civil political discourse. Whatever motivated those who engaged in EPRDF style character assassination, this past week has given us an impeccable evidence about the state of our media and the place of truth, and journalistic ethics in their operations. It is also ironic that many of the individuals and groups engaged in this propaganda are the same people who went a long way to disparage me as ’naïve’, ‘spineless’, and ‘passivist’ for writing and speaking about nonviolence. Given the sensitivity of the issue and the malicious manner in which these videos were edited and presented, I want to take this opportunity to explain the context in which that particular speech was delivered.

– Read the Full Statement (The GulelePost.com)

(The GulelePost.com) – Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism has achieved successive victories and reached a higher level to mobilize the untapped Oromo human resources for a just cause – Oromo national movement that had been continuously and viciously attacked by successive Ethiopian regimes.

Even though Oromummaa has proved its maturity, firm stand, commitment and readiness to pay the necessary sacrifices back in Oromia, the recent minor retreat in the Oromo struggle has given the old empire builders in the Diaspora the courage not to accept the truth, just cause and strong Oromo nationalism. Instead they have wrongly convinced themselves that this would be a right time to rehabilitate and wage counter attack on Oromumma – which is altogether a futile attempt to begin with.

– Read the Full Story (The GulelePost.com)

By Jilcha Hamid | The GulelePost.com

In early June of this year a major protest staged in Finfinne caught the attention of the international media, which described it as the first protests since the 2005 elections. I assume that they were talking specifically about political opposition protests. Stepping into the spotlight and reading a statement to the media on behalf of the political opposition was Yilikal Getnet , chairman of the ‘Blue Party’. In the statement the chairman called for the release of political prisoners while highlighting other political and economic problems. The call raised a lot of interest and support, most notably from the ‘Hear Our Voices’ movement which had been protesting and advocating for religious freedoms for Muslims in Ethiopia for well over a year by that time. So when the Blue Party took to the streets for their first protest, the ‘Hear Our Voices’ (HOV) movement mobilized alongside them.

– Read Full Article (The GulelePost.com)

– Read the Full Article (pdf file)