The following statement is from the Oromo Studies Association (OSA).

Oromo Studies Association
P.O Box 32391, Fridley, MN 55432
OromoStudies.org

May 16, 2013

It was with great sadness that we recently heard about the passing away of Dr. Sheikh Muhammad Rashad Abdulle, a former recipient of OSA Life Time Award. He was a great Muslim scholar, who cultivated the flowering of literature in the Oromo language. His death is a great loss to his family members and to all who cherish the development of Oromo Studies. Members of the Executive Committee of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) express their deepest condolences to his family members and all those who were touched by his infectious love for intellectual enrichment of his people. May his soul rest in peace. May our Waaqaa comfort his family members and all those who knew the great scholar and an outstanding poet and versatile writer.

In his memo of nomination of Dr. Sheikh Rashad for OSA’s Lifetime Award, Jawar Mohammed of Columbia University, also an OSA member, listed the following as some examples of the major works of the great scholar, whom we lost recently.

• The first Quran translation in Afaan Oromo;
• Translated over 40 Hadith books from Arabic to Afaan Oromo;
• Produced Somali-Afan Oromo dictionary;
• Numerous articles on Islam in Focus;
• Hadji and Umra guidance book for Oromo pilgrimages;
• Translation of Towhid in writing and audio form;
• Collection of poems in Afan Oromo;
• Children stories in Afan Oromo;
• History of prophet Muhammad in Afan Oromo;
• History of Islam in Afan Oromo;
• Arabic-Oromo dictionary (the first);
• Collection of Oromo traditional songs such miriysaa, dhiichisa, shaggooyyee, geerarsa.

Although Dr. Sheikh Muhammad Rashad Abdulle was suffering from poor heath in the past few years, those who knew his resilient spirit did not expect that the end would come so suddenly. The news of his passing away shocked more than his family members and friends. It saddened those who were expecting the publications of his scholarly works while he was still alive. We are told that Islam teaches that death has to be accepted with grace. However, it is very hard to accept with grace the loss of Dr. Sheik Muhammad Rashad Abdulle.

May our Waaqaa bless our society with millions of brilliant minds, the likes of Dr. Sheik Muhammad Rashad Abdulle.

Mosisa Aga, Ph.D.
OSA President

Y.G. (2005)*

Seenaa Qabsoo Oromoo keessatti, SBOn bakka ol aanaa qabaachuu isaa kan haalu yoo jiraate, diina kufaatii Ummata Oromoo kan hawwu qofaadha. Seenaan yoomillee seenaadha. Seenaa kana keessatti, warri seenaa hojjatan, seenaa Ummata sanaa keessatti, bara baraaf yaadatamaa fi waamamaa jiraatu. Seenaa Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo keessatti, SBOn, sagalee Ummata Oromoo ta’ee, mirgaa fi haqa Ummati Oromoo Biyya abbaa isaa irratti qabaachuu qabu Ummaticha barsiisuu irra taree, Sirnoonni dhufaa dabraan miidhaa Ummata Oromoo Irraan ga’an, Addunyaan akka hubattu taasisuu keessatti qooda ol aanaa gumaachuu, ragaa tarrisuun hin barbaachisu.

Seenaa Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo keessatti, Miidiyaalee walabummaa Oromiyaa fi Bilisummaa Ummata Oromoo irratti dubbachuu eegalan keessaa “sagaleen Bilisummaa Oromoo” isa Angafaa ta’uu seenaan ragaa ba’a. Seenaa Qabsoo Oromoo keessatti, Qabsoon Ilmaan Oromoo bifa gara garaan gaggeeffamaa ture, bifa gurmaa’iinaan akka gaggeeffamu taasisuuf ABOn ijaaramuun haqa. ABOn, Mirga Ummata Oromoo kabachiisuuf ykn Ummati Oromoo Biyya isaa qawween saamame, wareegama kafalee Birmadummaa Oromiyaa kabachiisuuf “waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo” akkuma gadi dhaabe, Ummata Oromoo sochii Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo keessatti hirmaachiisuuf, waggaa 25n har’aa Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo yk SBO gadi dhaabe.

Sagaleen Bilisummaa Oromoo waggoota 25n dabran keessatti maalfaa hojjate? jennee akka ragaatti waan hojjate dhiheessuun yeroo gubuu qofa ta’a. garuu Hojiilee seenaan hin daganne hojjachuu isaaf raga gabaabaa kaa’uun ni danda’ama. Innis Ummatichi Qabsoo Sabichaa keessatti qooda inni gumaachaa jiru ilaaluun ga’aadha. SBOn bara dargii wayita eegalu, Ummati Oromoo mana mana isaatti dhoksaan dhaggeeffachaa turuu, eenyu iyyuu jalaa dhokataa miti. Har’as seenaan kun hin jijjiramne.

Qabsoon Ummata Oromoo sirnoota hundaaf yaaddoo akkuma ta’e, SBOnis, mootootii Itoophiyaa hundaaf yaaddoodha. Yaaddoo waan ta’eefis, ummatichi akka hin dhaggeffanneef jedhamee. har’a Doolaara miliyoonaan lakkaa’amu dhangalaasanii, teekinolojii hammayyaan Ukkaamsuuf yaaluun, bu’aa SBOf raga guddaadha.

Adeemsa Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo waggaa 25 keessatti, bu’aa ba’ii keessa dabrame seenaan nu kaa’ee yoo kaafne, dubbannee kan xumurru miti. “Sagaleen Bilisummaa Oromoo” Gootoonni Oromoo har’a maqaa tarrifnee dubbachuu dandeenyu, wareegama qaamaa, qalbii fi jireenyaa kafalaniin har’a ga’eera. kaayyoo SBOn kaleessa itti banameef inni duraa Ummata dammaqisuudha. Adeemsa isaa waggaa 25 kana keessatti gama Ummata barsiisuun, haalaan itti milkaa’uu isaaf, ragaalee hedduu kaasuu dandeenya. Dhaloota kaleessa qabsoo Oromoo hundeessee fi dhaloota har’aa qabsoo abbootii isaa finiinsuuf of laate uumu keessatti, SBOn qooda ol aanaa gumaachee jira. Addatti, waggoota 21 dabran kana ABOn humnaan ega chaartara keessaa ba’en booda, Ummati Oromoo abdii osoo hin kutannee, qabsoo isaa akka itti fufu taasisuu keessatti SBOn gumaacha ol-aanaa qaba.

kanaaf ragaan qalbii Ummata Oromoo gama siyaasaan jiru kaasuun ni danda’ama. Har’a Ummatichi Dhaabbilee Siyaasaa Oromoo odoo hin eeggannee, ofii gurmaa’ee diina irratti tarkaanfii gara garaa fudhachuun, diina rifaasisaa jiraachuu qofaa odoo hin taane, injifannoo galmeessise kana karaa Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo akka gurra Ummatichaa ga’uuf ergachaa jiraachuun isaa, SBOn, Sagalee Ummata Oromoo ta’uu isaaf ragaa qabatamaadha. Galiin SBO Bilisummaa Ummata Oromoo garuu har’allee adeemsa irra jira. SBOnis har’a kan yeroo kami irra caalaa shiroota diinaa kumaantama isa mudatan keessaan, kaayyoo isaa galmaan ga’uuf, Ilmaan Oromoo muratoo ta’aniin tamsa’aa jira.

SBO adeemsa isaa waggaa 25 kana keessatti bu’aa ba’iin keessa dabre, salphaa miti. SBO dhabamsiisuuf shiroonni gaggeeffaman, lakkoofsa hin qaban. Adda durummaan, Sirnoonni itoophiyaa SBO dhabamsiisuuf shirri gaggeessan haalaan jabaadha. Itti aansee Biyyoonni ollaa, sirnoota Itoophiyaa Bulchaniin wal ta’anii miidhaan dhaqabsiisan, boruu seenaan kan dubbatuudha. Sadarkaa 3ffaa irratti, Ilmaan Oromoo dantaa ofiin ykn diinaan gawwamfamanii yeroo adda addaa SBO laamsheessuu keessatti dogoggoora seenaan boriif keesse hedduu raawwatan.

Wayyaaneen Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo bara baraaf dhabamsiisuuf, humnaanis ta’u hojiilee Dippilomaasiin, tattaaffii kana hin jedhamne taasiftee jirti, ammallee itti fufteetti. Wayyaaneen qabsoo sabichaa Galmee seenaa qabsoo sabootaa Addunyaa keessaa haqsiiftee, kan “Gooleessitootaa” keessa galchuuf, Doolaaraa Biliyoonaan dhangalaasuu, addunyaatu raga ba’a. akkasuma SBO ukkaamsuuf mootummaa chaayinaa irraa Doolaara Miliyoona 100 oliin, taakinolojii haaraa Biyya keessa dhaabsiisuu, waan ifatti argaa jirrudha. Kana malees, Biyyoonni ollaas ta’ee, kanneen fagoo jiran SBOf akka bakka hin laannee taasisuuf hojiileen Dippilomaasii hojjataman hedduudha. Biyyoota ollaan wal ta’anii, ABOf bakka akka hin laannee taasisuun SBOs dhabamsiisuuf hedduu ifaajjan.

Kan diinni Qabsoo Oromoo irratti hojjateen qixa, warri galfata seenaa Jaallawwan isaanii nyaatanis, SBO gufachiisuu keesstti qooda xurii seenaa ni qaban. Addatti ABOn humna dhabee SBO akka dhiisuuf shirri gama dinagdee dhaabaa laamsheessuu keessatti, Dogoggorri seenaa hojjatame salphaa miti. Ilmaan Oromoo seenaan bor isaan himattu kunneen, ABO ummata irraa adda baasuu keessatti qooda mataa isaanii gumaachanii jiran. Wayyaaneen SBO cufsiisuuf ifaajjii akkuma taasiftu, warri xurii seenaas, ABO Ummata irraa adda baasuuf, SBOn cufamu qaba jedhanii Biyyoota olla jilbeenfatanii kadhataniiru. Kun ragaa waliin seenaan dhalootaaf keessee jirti.

SBOn waggaa 25 booda maaliif hin babal’annee? humna ga’aa maaf hin qabaanne? guutummaatti Ummata bira hin ga’uu yk humna hin qabuu, maaliif hin fooyyofnee? gaaffiileen jedhan ka’uu ni malan. Gaaffiilee kana qaamni haalu jiraachuu hin danda’u. dhaabni Qabsoo sabichaa hundeesse, humni SBO amma irra jiru ga’aadha jedhee kan fudhatu natti hin fakkaatu. miidiyaan adeemsa qabsoo saba tokko keessatti bu’aa inni qabu, Maanguddoonni keenya kan wallaaln natti hin fakkaatu. namnis ta’ee humni waan kana adda baafatee hubachuu barbaade, waan Qabsoon Oromoo keessa dabarte akka gaaritti yoo gilgaale deebii quubsaa argachuu danda’a. shirri keessaa alaan Dhaabas ta’ee SBO irratti hojjatame namni qalbeeffate, SBOn har’a ga’uu isaa dinqisiifata. Hanqinni hin jiru jechuu miti. Hanqinni jira jechuuf, ani waan kun akka milkaa’uuf qooda Oromummaa maalin gumaachee? jedhanii of gaafachuun dursa argachuu qabaafan jedhe.

Seenaan seenaadha. Namni seenaatti amanu hanga jirutti, seenaan inuma itti fufa. Seenaan SBO waggaa 25f waliitti aansee gaggeeffamaa jiru ammallee itti fufa. Qoodi miidiyaa Qabsoo Addunyaa keenya keessatti argaa fi dhaga’aa guddanne, kan Oromoo irra ga’ee hin dhaabbatu. Bu’aa ba’ii isaan argan, nuutis argaa jirra. Cichoomiinaan akkuma keesssa dabranii milkaa’aan nuutis ni milkoofna. Isaan, jabaatanii – laafatanii deebi’anii jabaatanii milkaa’aniiru. Adeemsi kun nurra ga’ee hin dhaabbatu. nuutis jabaannee – laafannee deebinee jabaannee ni moona. SBOnis akkasuma. yoo xiqqaate, SBOn, Sagalee Ummata Oromoo ta’uu irra ga’uun isaa, hegaree Oromoof hundee ta’uu isaa mirkaneessa. Warri laafatan inuma harca’u. warri obsa dhabes, inuma micciiramu. Warri muratoon garuu itti fufu! kun seera UMAMAATII.

* Y.G. (2005): Burqaa430@gmail.com

By Fayyis Oromia*

I wanted to re-write this opinion because of the currently intensified anti-Woyane movement led by the Amhara bloc (“multinational organizations”). It raised an important question in the Oromo national liberation camp. Why couldn’t we, the Oromo national liberation forces, come to terms and cooperate in building at least an alliance based on common denominator of freedom (bilisummaa), which we can call Tumsa Bilisummaa Oromoo (TBO)/Alliance for Freedom of the Oromo (AFO)? Is it really because of the supposed ideological difference as indicated in the title of this opinion? Our common sense dictates that, if we want to prevent the reversal of the victories we achieved up to now, to keep the status quo and to move forwards, we have to come together and build a strong national liberation force. It is only in this way that we can defeat the currently ruling hegemonist Woyane and can hinder the possible coming of the backward-looking Amhara unitarists to power.

It is the fact on the ground that both our foes and our misguided friends still do intensify the instrumentalization of the minor ideological conflict we do have for their mission of dividing and weakening the Oromo national liberation camp. They continuously accuse certain part of the Oromo nationalists (the federalists) as being Ethiopianists (as if they are fighting only to democratize Ethiopia, but not to liberate Oromia). Is this true or is it only an allegation? Is it wrong if some Oromo nationalists do apply different rhetoric (if they are double-tongued) as they are sometimes accused to be? What is wrong if these forces of ours talk about Ethiopian democratization (genuine union/true federation) and about Oromian independence, both tactically and strategically, based on the political contexts and situations? Didn’t the Eritrean and South Sudan nationalists move the same way at different times before they could liberate their respective nations and bring them to the level of referendum on: independence vs. union?

To my information, there was a time when the Eritrean liberation forces talked about and almost agreed to settle for federation within the Ethiopian union, but the move had consequently failed because of the stubborn position of the Ethiopian government at that time – which refused to accept this option. South Sudan nationalists also used to talk about autonomy within a united Sudan, to just not lose the support of the Ethiopian government, which wanted Sudan not to be disintegrated. Simply put, the elites of these two nations did use different rhetoric during their struggles. What is wrong if the Oromo nationalists do the same? Why do our foes and our misguided friends blame these Oromo nationals as if they are deceitful? After all, who is an Ethiopianist Oromo in the true sense of the word? Does it include the federalists, who tactically talk about Oromian autonomy within the Ethiopian union as their goal? How can Oromo nationalists, who want to bring the nation to the status of exercising self-determination per referendum, be designated as Ethiopianists?

Specially at this moment, it seems that the Oromo are asking about the feasibility of our own movement for independence. Why did two of our neighbours, Eritrea and South Sudan, succeed, whereas our movement is still suffering from the ongoing disintegration and division of our national liberation camp? Is it because of only our mistakes or are there some other external factors, which have made the difference? Surely, there are many other factors, one of the major ones being the the support the two liberation movements of Eritrea and South Sudan had got from the Arab world (in case of Eritrea) and the Western world, in contrast to the support the Oromo movement is lacking. There is even a strong opposition from the Western world, which our Oromo national liberation movement faces. We all know how the Eritrean liberation movement had been supported by the Arabs, the Italians and by other Western regimes. They had also had a very secure sanctuary in the neighbouring countries like the Sudan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. We also know how South Sudan had been supported by the regimes of America, Britain and other Western countries. South Sudan liberation forces had also had a relatively secure sanctuary in Kenya, Uganda and Zaire. On the contrary, are not the Western forces the supporters of our Abyssinian colonizers, who are working continuously to divide and disintegrate the Oromo national liberation camp? Are not the Oromo national liberation forces denied any sort of sanctuary in the neighbouring countries?

Unfortunately, the Oromo national liberation movement, not only lacks such regional sanctuary and international support, but even both our neighbouring countries and the Western friends of Abyssinia do oppose the attempt of the Oromo to liberate from Abyssinian colonization. Specially, the Western world seems to have an opposite policy in comparison to the policy they had towards South Sudan. In the case of South Sudan, they supported the “Christian” south to be free from the influence of the Arabinized north, whereas in the case of Oromia they tend to support the domination by the Abyssinized (Christian) north on the mainly traditional south, including the Oromo. If they had had no such double standard as usual, they should have supported the national liberation movement of the Oromo from the domination of the Abyssinized north, just as they have done to protect the South Sudan from the Arabinized north.

Despite such lack of consistency in the policy of the Western world, no question that the Oromo nation is one of the biggest African nations – which should be liberated from any sort of colonization or domination. This nation has been under the colonial rule since the conference of the European colonialists in Berlin at the end of the nineteenth century, when they planned the Scramble for Africa. The Abyssinized king Minilik was treated by the European Christians benevolently to have his share of the colony and “to civilize as well as to Christianize” the Oromo and the other non-Christian nations in the southern part of the present Ethiopian empire. Since then, the Oromo and the other occupied nations in the region have been struggling for their national freedom. Particularly, the Oromo are now at the worst colonial situation; we are, not only occupied and oppressed, but also our colonizers are selling our land and our labour to international capitalists for the very dirty cheap price.

Being in such dire situation, Oromo nationalists still seem to enjoy a luxury of quarreling on minor issues like discussing on the conflict ‘Ethiopian democratization vs. Oromian national liberation,’ be it that we use both concepts as a means or as an end of our struggle. It is not surprising when we do observe Woyane cadres persuading us to dwell on such debates and discussions, for they know very well that it is a good way to hinder unity of Oromo national liberation forces from being realized. But interesting is also to observe few of our politicians making the same rhetoric by antagonizing the two concepts again and again. Some of them like to talk and write about this antagony; some of them want to make the conflict be seen as an irreconcilable, also at this first phase of the national liberation struggle. Considering the two phases of our struggle (the first freedom phase and the second referendum phase), we can see that the two concepts will be irreconcilable only during the second phase, in the time of the future voting on them. It seems that we have not yet come to our senses and look at the two concepts, as either a means or an end, that they are not contradictory, but complementary to each other at this moment of the first phase, until we come to the status of exercising our self-determination per referendum.

This difference of outlook regarding the Ethiopian democratization and the Oromian national liberation in the process of the Oromo national struggle had been there from the very beginning of our struggle. Some Oromo nationalists wanted to liberate Oromo from oppression within the Ethiopian context; the others wanted a separate and independent republic of Oromia. Regarding this outlook, it seems that we do now have three political movements in Oromo society:

- the movement of the pro-unity Oromo, who are interested in liberating the Oromo in a sense of democratizing the empire and achieving individual liberty for all citizens, including the Oromo people, disregarding the existence and the necessary emancipation of Oromia. They are not necessarily against the right of the Oromo people to self-determination through referendum, but their wish is to keep the territorial integrity of the empire intact and, if possible, foster a country led by the Oromo. This is the group whom I consider as classical Ethiopianists.

- the pro-federation Oromo, for whom national liberation can be the same as Oromian autonomy within the Ethiopian union (true killil-federation). I think we can designate this group as loyal to Oromia, thus they are not classical Ethiopianists, but they merely use the name Ethiopia for tactical reason as far as they are operating “legally” under the gunpoint of the Abyssinian colonizers or getting support from other non-Oromo forces.

- the pro-independence Oromo, who do believe in and advocate for Oromian independence. To my understanding, many members of the Oromo rebel organizations belong here, even though they may have different rhetoric based on the contexts and situations for tactical reasons. All Oromo nationalists in this group can be considered as Oromianists.

The common denominator for these three movements is freedom of the Oromo people or self-determination of the Oromo people per referendum. Any Oromo individual or group against this right to self-determination can be considered as part and parcel of our colonizers, who do deny us this right; they are simply collaborators. So, we need to differentiate Oromo politicians, who want to have liberated Oromo people within the Ethiopian context from the Abyssinian colonists and their collaborators, who want to oppose our right to self-determination with a pretext of unconditional Ethiopian unity, an euphemism to keep the system of colonization intact. Even Abyssinian forces can be divided into two, based on their position regarding our right to self-determination: Abyssinian democrats, who in principle accept and respect our right to self-determination; and Abyssinian colonialists, who do oppose our right with a pretext of unconditional Ethiopian unity.

So, our enemies are those, who are against our right to self-determination, whereas the above mentioned three Oromo movements and the Abyssinian democrats are not necessarily enemies to each other, as long as they want to liberate Oromo, i.e. as long as they want to bring the Oromo people to the level of exercising self-determination per referendum, making Oromo free from any external influence. After liberating Oromo and bringing us to the status of voting in referendum, be it they achieve that per ballot or by bullet/force, they can agitate for their preferred visions. That means, they can campaign respectively for only democratic Ethiopia, disregarding Oromia (the vision of the pro-unity Oromo); for the Oromian autonomy within the Ethiopian union (internal self-determination), which is the vision of Oromo federalists; and for the Oromian independence within the African union (external self-determination), which is the goal of the pro-independence Oromo. But now, all the three Oromo groups can and should work together in order to get rid of the occupying and oppressing forces of the colonizers. Here, we can also have the empowering alliance with the Abyssinian democrats, specially with the Amhara democrats, whereas I do advise for a caution in trying to work with Tigrean democrats. Such Tigreans may claim to oppose the present regime, but surely they can have a loyalty conflict, when it comes to the domination by their kins.

For the pro-unity Oromo democrats, ‘Ethiopian democratization’ is both a means and an end to realize their vision; whereas for the pro-federation Oromo, it is more a means to their end for they seem to use their explicit objective (Oromian autonomy) as a prelude for the bigger goal (Oromian independence). Despite the fact that democracy under Woyane’s rule is practically impossible, these two Oromo groups just try to instrumentalize the democratization process in order to put pressure on the Tigrean rulers. But, pro-independence Oromo’s explicit goal is crystal clear, even though it seems there is a division on the route (the strategy) they try to take to reach at the goal. This taking different routes is the main area of discord between the different factions of our rebelling national liberation fronts. The difference is not necessarily based on the conflict, ‘Ethiopian democratization vs. Oromian national liberation,’ but on the variety of rhetoric they do use at different times for tactical reasons.

Thus, the difference between Oromo federalists, who are usually painted as “Ethiopianists” by their rivals, and those which are considered as Oromianists, is not as such the matter of being Ethiopianist or Oromianist as our foes and our misguided friends try to convince us. The difference here is that of the evolutionary approach of some nationalists (including their acceptance of Oromian autonomy within the Ethiopian union as a prelude to Oromian independence) and the revolutionary way of the others in trying to achieve the same goal of Oromian national liberation (tendency to advocate independence without a necessary prelude of autonomy within the union). That is why, calling any of such federalists as Ethiopianists is morally and truly wrong. They only differ in a strategy they have chosen towards the same goal. This makes us to hope that all will join certain possible unity of Oromo freedom fighters in due time for the national liberation of Oromia, so that, at the end of the day, we will only have one strong and efficient alliance, which can lead us to the promised land. I don’t see any reason why this artificial difference of goal between the Oromo national liberation forces can be the cause of division. Not only the pro-independence Oromo, but also all the other groups, i.e. the anti-independence and the Oromo who now want to stay neutral till the day of the referendum can now agree on the common purpose of freedom of the Oromo (to liberate the Oromo and bring the nation to the level of referendum).

To fulfill this purpose, I still believe that we have to forge, not only unity of the Oromo national liberation forces, but also an all-inclusive alliance, in order to get rid of the currently ruling fascists and racists. Of course, the alliance can happen only with the national liberation forces of other oppressed nations and with the Amhara democrats, not with the Amhara colonialists, who still salivate to replace the Tigrean colonialists and bring back their own colonial rule. Let’s think at the following metaphor, which I repeatedly used to describe our national liberation journey: we all are now living in Djibouti (under slavery); both the Amhara people and the Oromo people, including all the other minority nationalities are suffering under Woyane’s tyranny. The national liberation journey from Djibouti to Diredawa (to freedom from the fascist Woyane) is the common route for both the Amhara democratic forces and the Oromo national liberation fronts. So, there is nothing which can hinder the alliance of these forces from happening at the moment. The smart politicians from both the Amhara democratic bloc and the Oromo national liberation camp should support such an alliance to get rid of the slavery under the Tigrean colonialists and fascists.

After arriving at Diredawa, the member organizations of the alliance can have either a polity consensus or a public referendum in order to live together in Diredawa (the Ethiopian union with Oromian autonomy). If they may not agree on such consensus or referendum, any move to Adama (Oromian independence = getting rid of Ethiopia) and a further move to Finfinne (a union of independent nations) requires that the Oromo forces be stronger, to be in a position to either compel or convince the Amhara elites. Such same move to the other direction, i.e. to Debremariqos (geography based federation = getting rid of Oromia) and a further move to Bahirdar (a unitary Ethiopia = even getting rid of federation) needs that the Amhara forces be stronger, so that they can either compel or convince the Oromo elites. But, sure is that choosing the alternative of living under the ongoing slavery in Djibouti for both big nations (for the Amhara and the Oromo) is foolishness par excellence. Only the fools of both nations or the smarts of the ruling Woyane fascists do want to keep this status quo by opposing an all-inclusive alliance and by sabotaging the possible unity in respective camps (by sabotaging the respective unity in both the Amhara bloc and the Oromo camp). As far as Oromo nation is concerned, we need the alliance with the Amhara bloc to move to Diredawa; and we should have the unity of the Oromo national liberation forces to be stronger and move further to Adama as well as to Finfinne.

By being stronger and moving to Adama, we can surely make the colonial Abyssinian rulers sing like Al-Bashir, who said: “the ball is in your (in South Sudan’s) court and the decision is yours. If you say unity, welcome; if you also say secession, you are also welcome; and I would like to say: welcome to a new brotherly state. The preferred choice for us is unity, but in the end we will respect the choice of the southern citizens; one would be sad that Sudan has split but also pleased because we witnessed peace.” To come to this level and compel the Abyssinian colonizers to sing like this, the Oromo people have to now concentrate on the burning issue of the national liberation struggle, i.e. on fighting for freedom from the fascists by any means possible, for which both the unity and the alliance are mandatory. I hope that at least Abyssinian democrats will be ready to say: “the preferred choice for us is unity, but at the end, we will accept and respect the choice of Oromian citizens,” unless otherwise their version of democracy excludes the right of big nations, like the Oromo, to self-determination. Of course, we don’t expect such reaction from the Abyssinian colonialists or from the colonial-minded elites.

The way forward from the status quo is thus firstly empowering our Oromo camp, which comprises all the three groups of movements (the pro-independence, the pro-federation and the pro-unity). Now, in the first phase of our national liberation struggle, they all can fight together against the colonialists, and then after the national liberation, in the second phase, they can agitate for their respective vision in order to win in the possible public referendum. That is why the conflict, ‘Ethiopian democratization vs. Oromian national liberation’ at the first phase is not as such irreconcilable. We do surely have irreconcilable conflict with our colonizers and with their collaborators, who are against our right to self-determination, but not with pro-unity Oromo, not with pro-federation Oromo or not even with Amhara democrats. Let alone the mentioned different Oromo forces, even other organizations, including the currently oppressed Amhara democratic forces, which do accept and respect our right to self-determination, are welcome to foster alliance with us to compel the Woyane fascists to leave power in Finfinne palace.

The difference between Oromo nationalists, who do oppose the alliance with Amhara forces and those who do support the alliance, is because of the tendency of those who oppose the alliance to concentrate only on the Amhara colonizers’ rejection of our right to self-determination, whereas those who support the alliance do look at the chance of the alliance with the Amhara democrats’ support of our right. But, both the anti-alliance Oromo nationalists and the pro-alliance Oromo nationalists should try to make a consensus and have the same and similar stand, i.e. they have to say ‘no’ to the alliance with the colonial forces, but say ‘yes’ to the one with the democratic forces. That means, we have to be able to discern between the two Amhara forces (between the colonizers and the democrats), instead of quarreling on this issue of opposing or supporting the alliance with the Amhara forces.

I think the future decolonized and democratized Oromia, with its tradition of Gadaa democracy, will be the center of an emission for a radiation of the bright light of democracy in the future United States of Africa (USA) based on the mere fact that Finfinne will be the seat of the upcoming Union Government of Africa (UGA). On the contrary, any attempt of keeping this great nation of Africa under Abyssinian occupation and oppression will continue to be a curse for the Horn region in particular, and for the African continent in general. That is why I want to encourage all Oromo national liberation movements (the pro-independence, the pro-federation and the pro-unity) to work together now, in order to liberate the Oromo nation from the occupying forces and bring the nation to the state of exercising self-determination per referendum, which can result into one of the three goals of the three movements: to the democratic Ethiopia devoid of Oromia as the pro-unity Oromo wish, to the federated and democratic Ethiopia with Oromian autonomy as the pro-federation Oromo want, and to an independent democratic republic of Oromia as the pro-independence Oromo envision. But, when I see the tendency of the Oromo community now, I am almost certain that the majority of the Oromo people will vote for Oromian independence.

That is why, I do see no reason for these Oromo groups to attack each other at this first phase of our struggle – where we need, not only the alliance/unity of the Oromo forces, but also seek the alliance with other forces. Let those Oromo groups, which believe in the unity, forge it; let those, which think the alliance is advantageous, also do it; and let those, which oppose either of the two or reject both of them, also move forward against the colonizers without antagonizing the other Oromo national liberation forces, but by organizing a supportive tandem activity against our archenemy, i.e. against the Abyssinian colonizers. We need to see the fact that, until we come to the level of exercising our self-determination per referendum, both concepts (Ethiopian democratization and Oromian national liberation), as a means and/or as an end, are not irreconcilable and contradictory to each other as our foes want to convince us, but they are complementary to each other. There is nothing wrong if our national liberation forces talk about the two concepts for tactical reason under different contexts and situations. The two concepts are irreconcilable only in the second phase, i.e. during the referendum, where we have to vote on them, but not now, when we are fighting for our freedom. May our Waaqa/Rabbi help us to understand this fact that the conflict is reconcilable in the first national liberation phase, but not to believe the fancy, that it is irreconcilable also in this phase, the fiction, which is created and transmitted by our foes just to divide and rule us. May He help all the Oromo national liberation forces to foster at least the beneficial Alliance for Freedom of the Oromo (AFO)/Tumsa Bilisummaa Oromo (TBO) in order to make the Oromo camp forceful and competent to deal with the current challenges.

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at foromia@yahoo.com.

Abdii Boruutiin*

Habashootni, tokkummaa ilmaan Oromoo laaffisuuf, qabsoo bilisummaa saba Oromoo dadhabsiisuuf yoo danda’an sirumaa dhabamsiisuuf halkanii guyyaa shira nurratti hojjechaa akka turani fi jiran seenaatu ragaa ta’a. Kun dhugaa waliigalaa waan ta’eef, diinarraa wanti biraas waan hin eegamneef, nama hin dinqu. Kan nama gaddisiisu garuu beeknees ta’ee otuu hin beekin; hubannees ta’ee otuu hin hubatin shira diinaa kanaaf qaawwa uumuu, balbala banuu, meeshaa ta’uu, kanaaf of saaxiluu, kan dabrerraa barchuu dadhabuu keenya dha. “Namni yoo quba tokko nama biraatti qabu, qubni sadeen isumatti akka garagalan hin hubatu” akkuma jedhamu, hubannoon kan jalqabu bakkeen ykn iddoon (position) quba sadeenii kun yoo beekamee dha. Wantin jechuu barbaade, dadhabbii keenya otuu hin hubatin yookaanis dhokfachaa Habashaatti quba qabuun gahaa miti. Yoon akkana jedhu ammoo diinatti hin xiyyeeffannu jechuu otuu hin taane, gabaabumatti mee dura haala keenya haa hubannuu jechuun barbaade.

Yeroo tokko tokko yoon waayee keenya gadifageenyaan ittiyaadu, balaa nutti deemaa jiru alaalatti arguu dadhabnee; hanga nubira gayutti teenyee eeguun rakkoolee dhuma hin qabneef akka nu saaxilee fi nu saaxilun hubadha. Balaa tokko alaalatti arganii ofirraa ittisuu yoo hin dandeenye; yoo nama bira gayee harkaan nama qabate, kana keessaa ofbaasuun rakkisaa ta’a. Akkuman armaan olitti tuqee dabre, Habashaatu akkana nu godhe, isaantu akkas nu godhe; Habshaatu naannoo, gandaa fi amantii dhaan akka walqoqqoodnu nu taasise; Habshaatu shira nurratti xaxee, akka mooraan keenya laafu taasise fi kkf dubbachaa ormatti quba qabuun homaa hin fidu. Wanti ofis walis gaafachuu qabnu, yeroo isaan akkana nu godhan ykn nu taasisan kana, maaliif shira isaaniitiif karaa baasna jennee of gaafachuun silaa gaafii duraa ta’uu qaba ture. Takka dogoggoruun uumaa ilma namaa keessa waanuma jiruu dha; garuu lammata gowwoomuun, kan dabrerraa barachuu dadhabuun dadhabbii mataa ofii ti.

Wantan har’a waayee shira Habashootaa kaaseef sababan qaba. Barreeffama mata duree “OROMO MALLI MAALI ?” jedhuun Tokkicha Abbaa Milkiitiin dhiyaate dubbisseen ture. Barreeffamni kun barreeffama biraa mata dureen isaa “Amna Dukkanaa’aa: Seenaa Dhokataa Ilmaan Oromoo Biyya Eritrea Keessaa” jedhuun dargaggoo maqaan isaa T.F YKN Addaamuu jedhamuun dhiyaate irratti hundaaye. Waayee barreeffama duraa, kan T.F ykn Addaamuu dhaan dhiyaate sana, gara boodaa itti deebi’ee waan tokko tokko jechuun barbaada. Qabiyyeen barreeffama Obboo Abbaa Milkii garuu akka naaf galetti ykn akkan hubadhetti waan Shaabiyaatti xiyyeeffatu fakkaata. Asirratti wanta Eertiraa keessatti godhamaa ykn ta’aa jiruuf ragaa waanan hin qabneef waayeen kun dhugaa dha yookaanis dhara jechuu hin danda’u. Haa ta’u malee, wanti hubatamuu qabu tokko, har’a abbaan fedhee biyyas ta’ee mootummaan kamiiyyuu dhimma mataa isaatiif ykn bu’aa irraa argatuuf jedhee yoo ta’e malee, dhugumatti garaa qulqulluudhaan qabsoo saba Oromoo ni deeggara jedhanii irraa eeguun ofgowwoomsuu dha jedheen yaada.

Qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo ilaalchisee, Eertiraan akka ofiif walabummaa argatetti, walabummaa Oromiyaas ni deeggarti yookanis hin barbaaddu jechuun ammaaf na rakkisa. Waan Shaabiyaan ykn Eertiraan Oromoof godhaa turte/jirtu badaas ta’ee gaarii seenaaf dhiisuudhaan, wanti hubatamuu qabu garuu, akka barreeffama lamaan sana keessatti ibsametti, TPDMs (Tigry Peoples Democratic Movement) ta’ee Shaabbiyyan maqaa Oromootiin jaarmayaa maxxannee ijaaruu yaaluun qabsoo keenyaaf baay’ee gaaga’ama guddaa akka ta’u dha. Karuma fedheenuu haa dhufuu, shirri akkanaa kun balaa guddaa nutti fiduu akka danda’u Oromoon jabeessee hubachuu qaba. Shirri akkanaa kun milkoofnaan; jaarmayaan akka OPDO deebi’aa ijaaramnaan, qabsoon keenya ammas bar-kurnee lamaa ol gara duubaatti akka deemtu shakkiin hin jiru. Kun sodaatanii nama sodaachisuu otuu hin taane balaa dorrobee jiru arguu danda’uu dha; yaaddoo ibsuu dha. Dhimmi kun hin ta’a ykn hin ta’u; ni milkaaya ykn hin milkaayu jechuun tilmaama mataa ofii ti. Dhugaan lafarra jiru garuu dagatamuu hin qabu. Bitaa fi mirga ilaaluun barbaachisaa dha.

Gaafiin barreessaan kaase, “Oromoo malli maali?” kan jedhu anaaf gaafii bu’uraa ti. Gaafii Oromoon hunduu hubachuu qabani fi deebii isaas barbaadanii argachuu qabanii dha jedheen amana. Akkan barruu kana dhiyeessu kan na taasisellee barreeffama mata duree kanaan dhiyaatetu qalbii koo na harkise. Dhiiroo, kun gaafii yeroo ti; akka laayyootti ilaalamuu hin qabu. Haalli keenyaayyuu walumaagalatti “Oromoo malli maali?” kan nama jechisiisu dha. Kaayyoon barreeffama kiyyaa Eertiraa balaaleffachuufii miti. Kana hin godhan jedhee isaanis amanuun na rakkisa. Har’a abaan fedhee, koodeen ofiituu bu’aa ofiitiif jedhee obboleessa ykn obboleetti isaa dabarsee kennuu danda’a. Impaayara Itoophiyaa tana keessatti biyya fi qabeenya Oromoo kan hin hawwine hin jiru. Bilisummaa fi walabummaa otuu hawwinuu kan caalu nutti dhufee; bu’aalee hanga har’aatti qabsoon kun galmeesseyyuu akka hin dhabne ofeeguu qabna, Oromoo. Ammas irran deebi’a balaa nutti dhufuuf deemaa jiru alaalatti arguu haa dandeenyu. Kun gamnummaa dha.

Akkuman kanaa olitti tuqee dabre, barreeffama isa duraas, kan dargaggooT.F YKN Addaamuu jedhamuun dhiyaates dubbissen ture. Yaadolee heddoominaan achirratti kennamanis argee jira. Namootni barreeffama sana karaa adda addaatiin ilaalan. Kuun waan akka asoosamaatti dhiyaate fakkeessu; kuun waan gareen Obboo Leencoofaa dhiyeessan fakkeessu; kuun ammoo waanuma dhugaadhaan argame ykn argamaa jiruu dha jedhu. Dhgaa dha, wanti tokko yoo ragaa qabatamaa wajjin hin dhiyaatne tilmaama gara graa keessa nama galchuun hin oolu. Asirratti wanti dubbistootni barreeffama kiyyaa hubachuu qaban waan dargaggoon kun barreesse dhugaa hin ta’u jechuu kiyyaa akka hin taane dha. Akkuman dursee jedhe, wanta tokko dhugaa ykn dhara ta’uu isaa kan mirkaneessu ragaa wajjin dhiyaatu dha. Dhugaa dubbachuudhaaf, anillee yeroon barreeffama sana dubbisu waayeen kun garaa na nyaatullee, karaa biraatiin garuu yaada adda addaa keessa na galchuun hin oolle. Barreeffama sana karaa adda addaatiinan ilaale jechuu kooti.

Tokkoffaa, akka barreessaan seenaa ofii ibsetti waanuma irra gaye barreesse malee fakkeessuu hin danda’u yaada jedhutu na keessatti uumame. Waan inni keessa dabre, keessumaayuu Oromiyaarraa gara Eertiraa; Eertiraarraa gara Suudaan; achirraa ammoo gara Keenyaa deemuun dhugumatti amanuun nama rakkisullee dhara ta’uu hin danda’u jedheen fudhadhe.

Lammaffaa, akkuma namootni tokko tokko tilmaaman, anis tilmaamni ani qabaachaa ture, warri ABO (warri Eertiraa keessa jiran) walabummaadhaan socha’uu akka hin dandeenye; rakkoo akka qaban; sababa kanaan ammoo achi taa’anii qabsoo kana gara fuulduraatti oofuu hin danda’an jedhanii isaan qeequuf jecha gareelee biroorraa (diinarraaiys ta’uu mala) xalyaan akkanaa waan qophaayes natti fakkaate.

Sadaffaa, dhuguma akkuma jedhamu, Eertiraa keessa rakkoon jiraatee; qabsaa’ota fi hoggantoota keenyarratti dhiibbaan uumamee; akka barbaadanitti socha’uu dadhabanii; sababa kanaan isaanuma keessaayuu rakkoo jiru gadi baasuuf jecha xalayaan kun akka qophaayu godhamees ta’uu mala jedheen yaade.

Afraffaa, mootummaan Eertiraa hangam qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo dhugumatti akka gargaaru beekuun na rakkisullee, ammaaf diina Wayyaanee waan ta’eef, maqaa Eertiraa xureessuf; akkasumas dargaggootni Oromoo akka achi hin dhaqne hamilee isaanii cabsuuf jecha xalayaan kun gara Wayyaaneerraa qophaayee waan barreeffames natti fakkaate.

Egaa, kun tilmaama mataa kiyyaa ti. Wanti tokko dhugaa ykn dhara ta’uu isaa addaan baafachuun kan danda’amu yoo ragaa qabatamaan tokko jiraate dha. Karaa biraatiin ammoo, wanti akkanaa kun yoo uumamu qaamni tokko gadi bayee asirratti ibsa kennuun silaa waayee kana qulqulleessuudhaaf gaaarii ta’a ture. Garuu mee haa jennu, dhugumatti wanti dargaggoon kun barreesse yoo dhagaa ta’e; yoo dhuguma Shaabiyaan duuba jiraate ykn shira Habashootaa ta’e, hoggantootni keenya kan Asmaraa jiran waayee kanarratti ibsa kennuun isaan rakkisuu danda’a. Dhugaa dha yoo jedhan, waan iccitiin bayuuf, isaaniifuu gaaga’ama guddaa ta’a. Soba ykn dhara akka hin jenne ammoo, wanti barreeffame kun akka asoosamaattillee yoo dhiyaate, kun dhugaa jiru irratti waan hundaayuuf, dhara jedhanii sarara jala butuunis rakkisaa ta’a.

Karaa biraatiin garuu, waayeedhuma kana ilaalchisee, gaafii fi deebii Raadiyooniin Sayifa Nabalbaal Dr Shigux Galataa waliin godhe irratti, deebii isaaniirraa waa sadin hubadhe. Tokkoffaa, sadarkaa imaammataatiin mootummaan Eertiraa waan akkanaa barreeffamaan hin qabu kan jedhu dha. Asirratti waan jechuu barbaadan garuu anaaf ifa hin taane. Lammaffaa, barreessaan kun marsaalee intarneetaarratti facaase malee eenyummaa isaa hin ibsine; dhimmi kun hangam dhugaa dha ykn amansiisaa dha kan jedhu gaafiin kun banaa dha; kun gara fuulduraatti qorannoodhaan kan bira geenyu ta’a kan jedhu yoo ta’u; sadaffaa, wanti barreeffame kun dhugaa ta’uun isaa hin beekamu; barreessaan kun abbaa fedhe ta’uu danda’a yookaanis dhugumatti rakkoon kun irra gayees ta’uu danda’a kan jedhu dha. Dhugaa ykn rakkoo jiru Waaqayyo/Rabbi qofaatu beeka. Kan ta’es ta’u, shirri Habashootni nurratti xaxan daangaa waan hin qabneef, ofeeggannoo guddaa barbaada. Dammaqinsaan haala keenya hubachuun baay’ee barbaachisaa fi murteessaa dha.

Galatoomaa!

* Abdii Boruu: aboruu@gmail.com

By Oromo Community Reporter

On Saturday, June 1, 2013, Oromos in Winnipeg, Manitoba (Canada), participated on 10km run for their hero Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa. This is a yearly event organized by human rights organizations in Winnipeg, called “Run for Right.” The Oromos proudly exhibited Run for Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa. The event was so successful, and the Oromo community is already preparing for next year 10K “Run for Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa,” and is working on inviting prominent runners from Oromia. After the 10K run, the runners were treated with delicious Oromo traditional food prepared by Winnipeg’s Oromo Women’s Association.

PHOTOS FROM THE EVENT:

Wanni sabni ittiin beekkamu keessa tokko afaani. Kana hubachuun, diinni  Afaan Oromoo dhabamsiisuuf ijibbata gudda godhe. Ijibbaanni diinni godhaa ture, arra namatti mul’achuullee baatu yaroo isaa sanitti, haalaan cimaa ture. Afaan Oromoo kan arra mana barnootaatti ittiin barsiifamu, waggaa 25 dura, afaan du’aaf deemu ja’mee, jachoota isaa seenaaf harshif galchinaan, kuusaa jachootaa akka qopheessaniif, Dargiin koree jaareefii ture.

Garuu, Afaan Oromoo du’a oolee, sakaraata keessa turerraa bayyannacuun, hawwii diinaa fiixa bahuu hanqise. Duuba, ijibbaanni Afaan Oromoo ajeesuuf diinni godhe, akka laafatti qaxara hin caphne. Hawwii diinaa kolaasuu fii guddinni Afaan Oromoo iddoo amma jiru akka gayuu godhuurratti wareegama barabaachisu warra kennantu jira. Isaan keessa hayyuun angafummaan maqaan dhawamu Sheekh Bakhrii Saphaloo ti. Isatti aansee, guddina Afaan Oromoo tiif qooda himanaa olii gumaachuun, seenaa guddina afaanichaa keessatti qooda dinqifamee kan galmeesse, Sheek Mahammad Rashaadi.

Sheekh Mohammad Rashaad, abbaa isaa Kabiir Abdullee Kabiir Mummayyaa fii haadha isaa Faaxumaa Shurraa Aammad irraa, odoo Xaaliyaan biyya teenya hin seenin waggaa lama dura, bara 1934, Baha Oromiyaa, kutaa Bareentumaa, konyaa Cercer, baadaa Habroo, aanaa Gubbaa Qorichaa, naannoo Laga Arbaa, ganda maqaa akhaakhoo isaa, Khabiir Mummayyaan moggaafame-tti nama dhalate.

Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad, barnoota amantii Islaamaarraa waan abbaan beeku akka baratee fixeen, itti fufuuf, gama Hirnaa sossoohe. Hirnatti, Sheekh Aliyyii Dabruu biratti, Fiq’hii (barnoota seera amantii Islaamaa) keessaa Baafadlii fii Umdaa, akkasumatti ammaas, Tawhiida (barnoota tokkummaa Waaqa)-rraa hamma tokko barate. San booda, Dhidhiibama dhaqee Sheekh Aammad Sheekh Maammad Jaldii iratti Zubad barate. Eegas ganda isaaniitti deebi’ee Sheekh Ibraahim Bakhaarratti Toowshiiha barate. San booda Qe’eerraa fagaachuun Kortoo dhaqee Sheekh Abuubakar Usmaan Odaa ykn Sheekh Bakh’rii Saphaloo irratti, ilmii Manxiqa (seeralugaa jiddu gala afaan Arabaa) fii Herrega eega baratee booda gama Fadis sossoohe. Fadisitti Sheekh Yuusuf Aammad Bareedaa irratti Minhaaj Nawawiyyaa (Qaceelfama seera amantii Islaamaa kan Imaam Shaafi’ii) xumure.

Akkanatti waan barnoota amantii Islaamaarratti rarraa’aa kan naannoo san jiru xumuree, kan biyya alaa itti dabalachuuf, ilma indooyyee ykn haboo isaa, Usmaa’il Alii waliin, bara 1951, Biyyee Dareerraa sossoohan. Karaa Jijjigaa tiin Zeeylaa dhaqan. Achirraa halkan, dukkana dahoo gaodhachaa, miilaan Jibuutii seenan.

Akka Jabuutii gayaniin, walqabatanii safaaraa Xoophiyaa dhaqanii, biyya Arabaa deemanii barachuuf baasaboora akka kennaniif gaafatan. Namichi Safaaraa, “Yo isin biyyaarra fagaattan, eentu boqqolloo nuuf qota?” gaaffii jettu dhiheesseef. Sheekni oomisha boqqolloo tiif warri biyyatti hafan ni gayaniin, namicha amansiisuu ijibbaatullee, waan fedhan irraa argachuu hin dandeenye. Garuu, baasaboora dhabuun abdii if dura deemuu hin kutachiifne. Waraqaa eenyummaa malee, harka qullaa, galaa malee, doonii gama Yaman deemtu yaabbatan.  Abbaan doonii, akkuma warri ammaa godhutti, Sheekhaa fii ilma indooyyee odoo lafaan hin gayin, xarafa malkaa, baharuma keessatti buuse. Achii, heera malee, dambaliin odoo if duuba harkisuu, bishaan mudhii gayu keessa dhiibachaa, warri uffanni, daboon, tan ifiifuu bakka meeqatti erbamte irratti cicciramte, lubbuu qarqara Ganda Dabaab ja’amtuun gayan.

Dabaabrraa bikka ka’aniif gayuuf, miilaan karaa Ta’iz sossoohan. Ta’izzirraa karaa Zabiidiin Mansuur keessaan Hudeeydaa qaxxaamuranii, warri amnitti miilaa akkaa gara dhoorkite, magaalaa timjii biyya Su’uudii, tan Jiizaan ja’amtu gayan. Jiizaanirraa Hijaaz keessaan dabranii Xaa’if seenan. Yaroon karaa kanarra deemaa turan Bona ture. Biyya gammoojjii tan lafti isii Bona hanqatee Ganna ibidda tuftu, guyyaa nama dhokochaa, odoo halkan dukkana keessa tiratanuu, aman miilaa kan ji’a sadihii tiin Xaa’if gayan. Xaa’if irraa makiinaa yaabbatanii, baatii Eblaa tan bara 1951, Makka seenan.

Akka biyya Sa’uudii seenaniin, wanni Sheekni dura godhuu barbaade, Hajii dha. Odoo Soomana furnoo goggoyduu bishaan Zamzamiin jiifatee furuu, Hajjii isaa godhe. Akka Hajjii fii ziyaaraalee barbaadu mara raawwateen jalqaba bara 1952, karaa Ordon (Jordaan) sossoohe. Akka achi gayeen Qudis dhaqee Beetul Maqdas ziyaare. San booda miilaan karaa biyya Shaam (Suuriyaa) sosoohe.

Dimishq (Damaskes) magaalaa muummittii Shaamitti, Sheekni barnoota biyyaa baheefitti deebi’uuf hiree arkate. Mana barmootaa kan Fathul`islaam je`amutti, barnoota waggaa shanii booda, raga Muftumma`aa fudhate. Sheekni oduma baratuu imaama masgiidaa tahe. San malees, masgiidotarra daddeemee kuxbaa guyyaa Jim’ataa godhu jalqabe. Haala kanaan, baroota jaha Shaam eega jiraate booda, bara 1957 keessa Suuriyaarraa karaa biyya Lubnaan sossoohe. Magaalaa Beeyruutitti markaba karaa biyya Misraa deemu yaabbatee, Iskindiriyaan Qaahiraa seene. Karaalee dila irra deemee fii naannoolee qubate keessatti haala isa mudate mara, Sheekni seenaaf sirritti galmeessee jira.

Qaahiraa akka dhaqeen, Universitii Azhar, Kulliyyaa Usuuliddiinitti (Koolleejii Hundee Amantii)-tti barnoota jalqabe. Waggaa afurii booda, bara 1962tti, barnoota isaa sadarkaa ool’aanatti gaggeessuun, ragaa caalinsaa harka Bokkuu biyyaa Jamaal Abdulnaasir irraa fuudhate.

Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad, Masrii keessatti Oromoota biyya san keessa turan waliin warra hiriira diddaa Mootummaa Hayla Sillaase bahan keessaa tokko. Gaafasitti, Hayle Sillaasetti hiriira bahuun hafee, dura dhaabbachuu yaaduunuu raajii dha. Warri hiriira sanirra qooda fudhatan keessaa kanneen biyyatti deebi’an, basaasota mootummaatiin adamamanii hidhatti guuraman. Warri isaan keessa ajjeefamaniis jiru. Haalli kuni, Sheek Mahammad Rashaad keessaa, hawwii biyyatti deebi’ee waan barate barsiisuu sammuu baase.  Kanaaf akka barnoota fixateen Qaahiruma keessatti barsiisu jalqabe. Isaa haala kana keessa jiru, Soomaaleen bilisoomte. Gaafana, hojjataa Universitii Azhar tahee, biyya Soomaaleetti amantii Islaamaa barsiisuuf, ji’a Adooleessaa kan bara 1963 magaalaa Bur’oo dhaqe. Achitti, barsiisummaa malees, Masgiida guddaa magaalaa sanii keessatti Jim’ata-Jim’ata kuxbaa gudhutti seene. Eega bara sadi akkasitti ture booda, dandeeytii afaanii kan qabuun hajjataa mootummaa Soomaalee tahe.

Wanni Sheekni naannoo sanitti Oromoof hojjate keessa kan jalqabaa raadiyoona biyya sanii keessaan sagantaa Afaan Oromoo jalqabsiisu. Bara 1965 raadiyoon soomaalee Afaan Oromoo tiin dabarsuu kan jalqabe tattaafata Sheek Mahammad Rashaad godheeni. Sheekni sagantichi maqaa afaan Gaallaa akka qabaatu fedhe. Garuu diddaa alagaa fii nama keenyaarraa itti xixxeen maqaa afaan Qottuu tiin dabruu jalqabe. Sheekni Qottuurraa Gaallaa filatee kan qabsoo godheef waaltina sabaa uumuu dhaaf ture. Akka Sheekni galmeessetti, bara 1968, gaafa Jeneral Kabbadaa Gabree, ajajaan waraana mootummaa Hayle Sillaasee, biyya Soomalee dhufe, yaadaa fii komii Ziyaad Barreetiif dhiheesseen sagantaan afaan Qottuurraa gama afaan Gaalla’aa-tti geeddarame. Sheekni haala kanarraa akkaan gammade. Gammachuu isaatiis akka aramaa gadii kanatti walaloon galmeesse.

Kan Gaallaa didu takkaayuu diinumaa
Takkaayuu galtu’uu tanaaf isaan moroma
Takkaa ni hin laalinii taariikha isaatii
Takkaa wahiif fedha baduu maqaati

Yaa lammii too dubbii too dhagayaa
Maqaafii afaaniin harka tokko tayaa
Namni afaan keetii inni shanyii teetii
Qoqqottee hin gaafatin maali gosti teeti

Maqaa gosaa dhiisaa ka dhiyoo argame
Isa dur qabdhaa kan akkaan barame
Maqaan durattii isaa walitti qaba
Gosa sabaa hundaa taarikaas ni qaba

Hujiin dinqifamaan Sheekhaa kan sagantaa raadiyoonaatti aanu, qubee Afaan Oromoo ti. Sheekni hayyoota afaan Soomaalee tiif qubee moggaasan keessa tokko. Gaafa karoora san fiixa baasaa ture, hawwii fii manaamni isaa sagantaa san keessaan afaan isaa guddisuu dha. Hawwii isaa kana, bara 1973, kitaaba Furaa Afaan Oromoo ja’u harfii Laatiniin barreessee maxxansuun hujiirra oolche. Haatahu malee, akkuma gaafa sagantaa raadiyoonaatti, ammaas, warra maqaa kana dura dhaabbataniin hujiin isaa balaaleeffatamee, maqaan kitaabicha, Furaa Afaan Abbootti akka geeddaramu godhame. Garuu, bu’urri inni gaafas afaanichaaf lafa kaaye, sab-boonota booda ka’aniin fudhatamee, qubeen Laatiin Afaan Oromoo tiin wal simatan. Yo if duuba deebi’amee laalame, wanni inni gaafas godhe, guddina Afaan Oromoo tiif asaasa cimaa tahe.

Sheek Mahammad Rasdhaad, bara 1965 irraa hamma 1984 raadiyoona Soomaalee keessaan amantii fii seenaa odoo barsiisuu, haala amantiin Islaamaa naannoo Gaafa Afrikaa itti seente akka qoratuuf jilaa waliin karaa biyya alaa ergame. Qormaata kanaaf biyya Yaman, Iraaq, Kuweetii fii Su`uudii dhaqe. Akka dalagaa ergameef rawwateen Sheekni Maqdisho`otti deebi’uu irraa oolee, biyya Su`uudii qubachuun kitaabbaan Afaan Oromootti barreessuu fii kan Arabaa-rraa kan Oromo`ootti garagalchuu hujii godhate.

Sheekh Mohammed Rashaad, barreessuu fii afaan Arabaarraa garagalchuu jidduu, kitaabban 23 Afaan Oromoo tiifii sabaaf gumaache. Isaan malees, hiikkaa hadiisa afurtamaa kan Nawaawii Afaan Oromootti garagalchea. Sheekni, kitaabbaan amantii malees, Tooftaa Riphee Loltuu, Seenaa gaafa Afriikaa, Geerarsa Oromoo, Taarika Aammad Giraanyi, Qubee Afaan Oromoo tii fii Akkaataa Qubeen Afaan Oromoo itti kaayaman nama barsiisan nama barreesse.

Hujiin guddoon Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad ittiin beekkame Qur’aana Afaan Oromootti hiikuu dha.  Qur’aana afaan tokkoon hiikuun hujii haalaan guddoo ti. Warri waan akkanaa godhu, dandeeytii malees, warra tin’isa diinaggee fii hamilee tan mootummaa ykn garee if duubaa abdatu. Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad garuu, gargaarsa malee, kophaa isaa hujii guddoo tana nama hojjate. Gaafa hujii baroota meeqaantam irratti dhama’e maxxasuuf dhiheesse, kan mudate, galatoomii odoo hin taane, dura dhaabbii dha. Warri dura dhaabbataniis alagaa ykn Araboota odoo in tahin Oromoota. Jara san maqaa dhawuunilleen barbaachisu baatu seenaaf galmeeffachuun dirqama sabaa ti. Sababni jarri dhiheesse tokko afaan kuni qur’aana ittiin hiikuuf gayaa miti kan ja’u. Sheekh Mahammad garuu, qabsoo godheen jara irra aanee, hiikkaan isaa sagaleen kaasetatti waraabamee, ummata isaatiif tola akka hiramu godhe. Akkuma kaaseenni hujiirra ooleen, hiikkaa barruun basuuf irratti hojjachuu jalqabe. Duuba, kanaas gaafa xumure, akkuma kan sagaleetti, warrummaan Sheekkotii Oromoo ti ifiin ja’an dura dhaabbatan. Haa tahu malee, Sheekni akkuma kan sagaleetti, dura dhaabbii barruutiis injifatee, akka maxxanfamee saba harka seenu godhe. Sheekni kan kana hunda godheef, maqaa ittiin argachuuf odoo hin taane, lammii isaa irraa wararrii wallaalaa dhabamsiisuu fi.

Sheekni waan afaanii fii aadaan tahan nama ganamaan akkaan hubate. Kanaaf, Afaan Oromoo afaan waan hunda ittiin hojjatamu tahuu mirkaneessuuf waggaa shantam caalaa ijibbaata adda hin citin godhe. Jaalalti Sheekni guddina afaan isaatiif qabu himanaa oli. Jaalala isaa kana walaloo isaa keessati akkanatti ibse.

Yaa Afaan Oromoo Rabbii si guddisee
Nama siin dubbatu sumaaf heddummeesse
Adunyaan si beekaa anilleen si wallaaluu
Karaa keetiin malee nu alaa hin gallu

Ormi adunyaa dhaa yoo dubbii kee kaase
Afaan muuziqaa dhaa je’ee ti si faarse

Yaa Afaan Oromoo yaa kan zalaalamii
Kan sii je’ee du’e hammamii hammamii
Mee akkamiin si gannaa nuti siin mul’annaa
Odoo ati baddee matumaan dhabamnaa
Karaa kan kee kanaan harka tokko taanaa
Sumaan gurgurannee wal irraa bitannaa

Yo nu karaa banne siin karaatti deebinaa
Yoo nu dhukkubsanne sumaan wal gaafannaa
Yaa Afaan Oromoo mee akkamiin si gannaa
Salaamtaa jaalalaa siin walii erginaa

Yaa Afaan Oromoo yaa haadha guddinaa
Har’aa fi borullee nuti siin mul’anna

Gooytaan haa guddisu warra si mul’isuu
Dachee haa seensisuu warra si saph’lisu
Namni si saph’lise rakkatuuf jiraataa
Gaafa tasaa geessee biiluu tee irraa baata

Akkuma olitti ibsametti, Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad nama barnootaa ti. Hayyuu Afaan Oromoo, Soomaalee fii Arabaa ti. Amantii malees, Falsafaa, taligaa haala namaa, heera taliga`aa, Ilminnafsi, Joograafii fii barnoota miya lolaa nama barate. Sheekni barruu leexaa malees nama yaada isaa walaloon qarqabu. Haala kanaan, walaloota jaalalaa, jaalala biyaa, hamilee namaa dammaysanii fii kakaasan heddu barreesse. Kitaabban haala kanaan afaan Arabaa fii Oromoo tiin barreesseen Majistraa ykn Maastreet fudhate. Haaluma saniin, dandeeytii isaa kanaan Universitii Engilzirraa Dooktaraa ykn PhD gonfate.

Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad, haala armaa olii kanaan odoo hifaata malee saba isaa tiif hojjatuu, jiruu baqaa tan waggaa shantamii fii saddeetitti booda, bara 2009itti biyyatti deebi’e. Eega biyyatti deebi’ees, akkuma duritti waan itti amanu ifatti dubbachuu irraa if duuba hin deebine. Haaluma kanarraa kan ke’e, yaroo gabaabduu dura, warra Ahbaash ifiin ja’an, kanneen mootummaan Wayyaanee meeshaa godhattee deemmatuun balaaleeffatteen, mana adaamaa keessatti duraan kennameef irraa arihamee, Dirree Dhawaa qubachuu dirqame.

Sheekni, ergarama jiruun baqaa tiifii umriin muddeen odoo yaratuu, Ebla 25, bara 2013, umrii waggaa torbaatamii sagaliitti, magaalaa Dirree Dhawaa keessatti aakhirame. Ogummaa baratanii fii hayyummaa horaniin dantaa mataa isaanii gatanii, waan dhimma sabaa if dura oofaa warri hojjatan, yarumaa hundaa, qoma lammii isaanii kessatti jaalala addaa qabaatu. Awwaalcha Sheekhaa irratti kumaatamni Oromoo akka argamu kan godhe kana. Sheekh Mahammad Rashaad haala takkaa argamee ykn dhagayamee hin beekkamnetti awwaalame. Inni awwaalamuus, maqaan isaa abad baduuf hin jiraatu. Sab-boonummaa fii murannoo ajaa’ibaatiin faayamee, qoonni guddina amantii Islaamaa tii fii Afaan Oromootiif gumaache, lammii dhufaa jiruun kan dinqifamu taha.

Waaqni Jannataan haa qananinu!

Abdurashiid  Abdurahmaan (Abbaa Urjii)

Waxabajjii 02, 2013

Torontoo, Kanadaa

Hub: Seenaan Sheekhaa kuni, Guyyaa Yaadannoo isaa kan Magaalaa Torontootti     qophaaweef, barreeffama isaa keessaa kan dubbuuyfame.

The following is the statement made by Mr. Garoma Wakessa, Executive Director of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) at the United Nations Human Rights Council’s 23rd Session, Geneva, Switzerland, on June 4, 2013.

Click here to read the Written Statement of HRLHA at UNHRC’s 23rd Session.

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United Nations Human Rights Council
23rd Session, Geneva, Switzerland

June 4, 2013

Oral Statement by Mr. Garoma Wakessa, Executive Director the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

Item 4: Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention – Ethiopia

Thank You, Mr. Chairman,

Human rights violations in Ethiopia are gross, are of all kinds and widespread. Due to the limited time allotted to this Oral Statement, I will focus on the most crucial components.

The current Ethiopian Government has continued systematic restrictions on basic rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled, including freedom of thought and expression, and civil and political rights. The independent media, political opposition parties, and civil societies, are continuously harassed and intimidated by the government; many of them are outlawed, and political leaders are sentenced to long prison terms under the so- called Anti-Terrorism proclamation.

The provisions of Ethiopia’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation define terrorist activities so vaguely that they are easily used to criminalize all civil society activists and political opposition leaders, supporters, and peaceful demonstration organizers.

Today, media practitioners in Ethiopia face charges such as treason and terrorism simply because they put information on paper -and publish it. Opposition political party leaders and supporters face the same charge because they exercise their political freedoms.

In the past two years, Muslims who demanded non-interference of government in their religious affairs have been harassed, sometimes killed or imprisoned. University students who staged demonstrations to demand better treatment at their University campuses were beaten or imprisoned under the Proclamation.

Mr. Chairman,

In Ethiopia, the giving away of land to Transnational Corporations and other wealthy states has become a critical and burning issue for millions of family members. Thousands of small land holders in Gambela, (South Ethiopia), in Oromia Regional State ( Central and Western Ethiopia) and Benshangul ( South-West part of Ethiopia) have been forcefully evicted from their ancestral lands and become jobless and homeless; those who resisted forced eviction or demanded compensation for their plundered land have been killed. Others were charged as terrorists and now languish in prison.

Mr. Chairman,

Today, children, women, senior citizens in Ethiopia regularly face starvation and are dying every day. They require the attention of the UN Human Rights Council. The Ethiopian Government has the legal obligation to respect and protect human rights set out in the international human rights conventions it ratified. Investors also should abide by the UN Global Compact – the ten principles which clearly explain their responsibilities in the areas of human rights, labor, and environmental rights in the country in which they are investing.

Mr. Chairman,

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa is very concerned with the deteriorating situation of human rights in Ethiopia and calls upon the UN Human Rights Council,

● Urge the Ethiopian authorities to carry out their obligations under domestic, regional and international obligations to protect and promote freedom of expression, by immediately ending the practice of arresting and prosecuting those who hold different political opinions;

● Call on the government of Ethiopia to allow the Special Rapporteur on the land issue to visit the country to determine the extent to which the government of Ethiopia and the investors are complying with their domestic, regional and international human rights obligations. It is their responsibility to respect human rights.

Thank you!

By Buttaa Duuloo

The Oromo community in Oslo and its surroundings has a long tradition of boosting the Oromo identity (Oromummaa) that highly empowers the Oromo nationalism to its host and to the wider society.

This community probably is one of the oldest Diaspora based Oromo communities in Europe. From its inception back in the late 1980s, the community has been demonstrating for civil rights and Oromummaa – as one of the ancient folks with rich culture at different occasions on different forums.

Among others, demonstration of what is going on back home in Oromia, Ethiopia, on May Day – the Workers solidarity day, the community protest against any form of bilateral and partnership agreements between the Norwegian government and the successive rulers of Ethiopia. The protest has been one of the major events that have been used as a platform for airing off Oromia and its situation.

The Oromo community has again freshly made a significant move by protesting against the lobby from the TPLF-led government in order to recruit potential stakeholders in the so-called Abbay Dam construction investment project. The Oromo community together with other concerned individuals has abandoned the scheduled meeting; as a result, the TPLF consulate in Stockholm has forced to halt the program.

Recently, the Development Fund of Norway has arranged an Ethiopian Week where the socio-economic and severe political situation is under the minority TPLF-led government. The focus of the discussion was on social policy whereby the Norwegian government endorses the so-called double digit economic growth in Ethiopia.

Participants were His Excellency Ministry of the International Development, Heikki Holmås, from the Socialist left party, and Peter Gitmark from the right-wing conservative party of Norway. All participants of the seminar were sharing the same views of the government opponent thereby requesting the Norwegian Ministry of International Development to demand the fundamental prerequisites to be fulfilled by the Ethiopian authorities before launching any sort of development partnership with it.

His Excellence the Norwegian Ministry of International Development, Heikki Holmås, was so humble and extended his informal discussion after the seminar as well.

Members of the Oromo Community, including the current leader of the Community, Mr. Gudeta Boki, and the regime’s survivor of torture and human rights activist Mr. Hussien Ahmed, have also made their points explicit with regards to the ongoing Oromos socio-political problems.

In general, the community leaders have explained their concern about the escalating human rights violations, ongoing unconditional imprisonments of Oromos and dismissal of Oromo students from colleges and universities, thereby winning the attention of the Minister – Heikki Holmås.

Finally, despite the Ministry’s office willingness to aid the minority-led government in Ethiopia, he was also touched by the serious human rights situations in the country. He has the view that poverty reduction could pave the way to a democratic society, and added that Norway’s engagement and current take is only to alleviate the extreme poverty in Ethiopia.

By Fayyis Oromia*

The current discussion among the different political groups in the Ethiopian empire, which was ignited by the open letter written by Dr. Fikre Tolassa and directed to Dr. Bayan Asoba containing a different, but relatively new, version of the Amhara-Oromo “history” motivated us to think about the possible win-win solution for the hitherto conflict between the elites of the two big nations (the Amhara and the Oromo), so that they can find a common ground to cooperate against the currently ruling fascist and racist regime. Because of the short opinion I forwarded as a response to Dr. Fikre’s open letter, I was asked from many readers per e-mail to elaborate a bit more about what I mean by “Great Oromia;” thus, I do try in this piece of essay. First of all, to make clear to my readers, I am not a historian, a geologist, a politician, an anthropologist or an ethnologist to falsify or verify this version of history. I am a simple Oromo individual, who is interested in the Oromo cause and who tries to dig about the Oromo in books and websites. Let me then try to describe the two interesting Oromo perspectives regarding our history as well as our destiny and look at the variety regarding their implication.

As I have read and understood till now, there is one perspective, which tries to show us how the Oromo is related to Egypt, to the origin of the Cushitic civilization, to the city of Meroe, and it tries to figure out how the Oromo destiny should include a possible Oromo (Cush) renaissance. It teaches us how the Oromo-proper is a “stalk” for all the Cushitic nations in the North-East Africa. I think Dr. Fikre’s view belongs here. The other perspective seems to be a view of the genuine Oromo nationalists striving to achieve freedom of the Oromo, including liberation of Oromia from the current Abyssinian subjugation, whatever the history of the Oromo could be, even though it concentrates on the colonial narrative, including the very different origins of the Abyssinians (the “Semetic”) and the Oromians (the Cushitic). The other area of difference between the two perspectives seems to be that the first one is more history-oriented whereas the second one is highly destiny-oriented. The first one is digging into the history of the Oromo from different perspectives whereas the second one is doing its best to promote the liberation of Oromia at any cost.

To me, very interesting is the implication of the two positions: the implication of the first perspective is to forge our final goal as the desired RENAISSANCE of Oromia, defining the Oromo as the people to include the Oromo-proper (who now identify itself as the Oromo nation) and the Oromo-progeny (all the nations which seem to have emerged from the Oromo-proper). That means the Oromo is inclusive of all the Cushitic nations, including the Semitized Cush nations in the region, i.e. inclusive of most nations in the Ethiopian empire and some in the neighboring countries. The implication of the second position is that it concentrates on the importance of the imperative LIBERATION of the Oromo-proper or an independence of the presently demarcated Oromia by any means from the subjugation and suppression it is suffering since the last 3000 years. This time span, which is usually adored by the Ethiopianists as the time of Ethiopian freedom, is actually the time of Oromia’s gradual shrinkage and Oromo’s continuous assimilation so that a lot of its parts lost their original Oromo identity (Oromummaa) and became Semitized and Arabized.

I personally can look at the move of the first perspective also as a support for the ongoing liberation movement, and I would like to call its move and its supporters as the part of the ODF (Oromo Democratic Front), a movement which seems now to fight for Oromo liberation within a union of nations, and which then may try to influence the other progeny nations to look at their Oromo roots. Even though this movement strives for Ethiopian union (true federation), it only needs a simple change of the name Ethiopia to Oromia in order to see the suggested Great Oromia within the United Nations (UN). Very clear is that the political stand of the second perspective seems to be the position of the OLF, i.e self-determination per referendum of the Oromo public on the issue of an independent Little Oromia (the map now demarcated by the OLF). If the ODF will push further for such Great Oromia and this will be accepted by the Amhara and other nations, then seeking to see a Little Oromia within the UN is just unnecessary. Surely, the Oromo nationals will be satisfied with the Great Oromia in the UN, and the Amhara and other patriots just need to swallow the change of the name as a compromise, if they are really interested in the territorial integrity of the country they seem to love.

Just accepting the Oromo modern history, at face value, which suggests that Oromo is an indigenous nation in the region and it is the origin for most other nations, I can say that the Oromo till now used to exercise self-destruction under the influence of different forces from the Middle-East and from the West. Just as an example, the Axumite Oromos (Semitized and Christianized ones) destroyed the traditional Oromo of Meroe, and the Amharanized Oromos like Emperors Theodros, Minilik, H/Sillasie and the dictator Mengistu as well as the Tigranized Oromo individuals like Emperor Yohannes and tyrant Melles Zenawi destroyed the well preserved cultural identity and attacked the heroic resistance and resilience of the Oromo-proper. Here, it is important to mention that the Oromo-proper is the most dissent which resisted the influence from the outside world and kept its indigenous religion and language. Some scholars even tend to say that this is the reason why the name “Gaallaa” is given to this NAY-sayer nation. The word seems to have been driven from the Arab word “Qallaa,” which means simply “said NO.” I can say that Arabs gave the Oromo people this name for they resisted accepting Islam at the cost of Waaqeffaannaa (traditional Oromo religion). Of course, then the Habesha elites (the Semitized Oromo-progeny) further gave it more negative connotations.

The question to be raised and to be answered now is: how can we, the Oromo-proper, who are now fighting for our liberation from the domination by the “ignorantly arrogant” Oromo-progeny (by the Woyane elites), achieve this goal? What is the implication of having these two positions (the pro-ODF perspective and pro-OLF perspective) in the Oromo society? Are the two positions irreconcilable? Is the position of the ODF the prerequisite to promote the position of the OLF or the vice versa? I just write this opinion and ask these question to provoke thinking and to stimulate an action in the Oromo community. My political stand here is not necessarily the last well thought and not the most important.

As far as I am concerned, the two perspectives and positions are complementary, not contradictory, to each other. Fact on the ground is that now the Oromo nation (Oromo-proper) is suffering under slavery by the Woyane, and it needs to be liberated unconditionally. To be successful in this struggle, we need both the ODF and the OLF with theirs noble positions on the human and national rights of the Oromo-proper to self-determination. This ensures our national liberation at any cost without any compromise. As long as there is Habesha domination (mind you Habesha are the Oromo progenies) over the Oromo-proper, there will be Oromo liberation movement, and surely, there will be a viable front to fight for freedom/bilisummaa. After dismantling the existing Abyssinian empire and achieving the transitional goal of both the ODF and the OLF (Ethiopian Union, i.e true federation), we can opt further for either Great Oromia (if the Amhara and the other nations agree) or Little Oromia (if the Amhara and the other nations refuse to live under the name Oromia, but insist on the name Ethiopia).

I think Ethiopian union as a transitional solution to independent Oromia is the reason for the fact that also the OLF wrote in its programme not only the necessity of independence, but also the possibility of a union. So shortly put, the Oromo do have yet three optional goals to achieve based on the objective realities in the future. The next stop of our liberation journey, which started in Djibouti (colony/slavery), passing through Ayisha (status quo of a limited cultural autonomy), will be Diredhawa (true federation); that is why we need to support the ODF with all our power. Then, the true federation can lead us to either the goal of the OLF, i.e. Adama (an independence of Little Oromia) or to the common goal of both fronts – Finfinne (a union of independent nations called Great Oromia), which is a necessary step to achieve the required Oromian (Cush) renaissance.

Sure is that if there will be a true freedom and democracy in the future, at last we will achieve the final common goal (the Oromo renaissance), in which both the Oromo-proper and the different Oromo progenies, including the other nations in the Horn (which might not have emerged from the Oromo) will grow together. Here again, without the imperative liberation of the Oromo-proper, it is fact on the ground that the whole region will continue to suffer under the present poverty and tyranny. So, the key to prosperity in that cursed region is the liberation of the Oromo-proper, be it within or without the desired union called Great Oromia. In short, let’s all Oromo nations (the proper one and the progenies) move now from our hitherto self-destruction to the future self-determination. Let’s continue to be NAY-sayers to slavery, injustice and tyranny.

To emphasize again, it seems there were always, and there are still today, the above mentioned two views and two perspectives among Oromo nationalists. The cause of these two perspectives seems to be the version of Oromo history we do have in mind and the variety of our own individual biography. According to the discussion I had with many fellow Oromo individuals, there are even some who do just swim and paddle between the two blocks of ideas. What are these blocks and how can we accommodate them in our liberation journey? We can classify our fellow Oromo individuals into two in respect to their view about our history and their wish regarding our destiny:

- Oromo individuals who seem to accept the history version that we are the original Cush nation and even that we are the “stalk” for the other Cush nations. The implication of such history is that this group tends to believe and accept that we, the Oromo people, should stay together with the Abyssinians, who are also “our siblings” from the same origin. So. it is clear that this group tends to advocate for liberated Oromo people within a Great Oromia and, if possible, struggle for the Oromo renaissance (here Oromo being both the Oromo-proper, who now identify themselves as Oromo, and the Oromo-progenies, who “lost their Oromummaa gradually in the last 3000 years history”). This is the reason why some Oromo politicians started to speak about a necessity of a change of philosophy in the Oromo liberation movement, which up to now concentrated only on liberating the Little Oromia.

- Oromo individuals who seem to accept that there can be historical relations between Habesha and Oromo, but believe that the most important is the colonial relation, which started to develop after Habesha rulers invaded and subjugated Oromia at the end of the nineteenth century in connection with the European colonizers’ movement of the Scramble for Africa. No question, this group thinks that the only destiny of the Oromo is a complete liberation of Little Oromia from the colonization or domination of our neighboring Abyssinia. Of course, this group also sees a possibility of a union of nations in the region after independence of Oromia for the possible common benefit of all peoples in the region.

Some Oromo nationalists wrote to me about the concern they had because of the position like that of Dr. Fikre, which try to tell us that the Oromo are the origin for most of the Ethiopian nations and, as a consequence, the Oromo must take the responsibility, not only to liberate the Oromo-proper, but also the other nations, including the Habeshas. This position, of course, seems to be detrimental to the Oromo liberation movement, unless otherwise the Habeshas are ready to accept the renaming of Ethiopia as Great Oromia. That is why also some ODF supporters, who nowadays started to say “we are Ethiopians” need to correct their rhetoric and boldly assert that they do belong to the Great Oromia, so that even the Habeshas can start to say “we are Oromians.” Simply put, the concern is that if we believe that Abyssinians are Oromos who lost their Oromummaa in the last 3000 years, it will be difficult to make a radical liberation struggle against our “own.” But this concern is only legitimate if we are ready to be enslaved by “our own” and if we further call the future union of free nations as Ethiopia; otherwise, if we agree to rename the union as Great Oromia and if Afaan Oromo will be the primary working language of the union, no need to have such concern.

I do personally share this concern only if we accept to live under colony now and as liberated Ethiopians in the future, disregarding our identity as Oromo and giving up the name of our land – giving up Oromia. The reasons for this concern are firstly, the so called “modern Oromo history” is not yet verified exactly; secondly, Habesha elites, as crooked they always are, try to use this “modern Oromo history” as an instrument against the Oromo liberation movement. That is actually what we could observe in the cyberworld in the past many years and in the current move of Dr. Fikre. Habesha elites always try to dilute Oromo’s radical step towards freedom and independence by telling us that we, the Oromo people, are part of them as “Ethiopians,” and they actually used such history to try to convince us. They untiredly told us that both the Amhara and the Tigreans are from the Oromo origin, so the liberation of Oromia from the Habesha subjugators, who “are Oromo” themselves, is as such “not logical.”

But, let’s leave history for historians. We don’t need either to believe it or deny it. We just start from the status quo. No question that at the moment the Oromo are already enslaved by the Woyane elites; so we need to be liberated from this domination unconditionally. Just in front of our eyes, a lot of Oromo nationalists have been killed just for they are Oromo nationalists and still a lot are languishing in jails. During this time of tribulations, the Habesha elites (“our progeny”) did not look at the Oromo as their own. Why should then the Oromo look at this barbaric tyrants as our own? Let alone the Oromo, even the oppressed Habeshas and other nations should fight against them. To decide our destiny, we need our own public verdict; that is why our goal is self-determination. Whatever our history is, we have to stick to this goal.

Disregarding the different versions of our history and our biological origin, we can agree that our nationalism (Oromummaa) depends on the view we do have on our national (Oromo) interest. Those of us, who do support and serve this national interest, are the ones with genuine Oromummaa. So, Oromummaa is not only about biological origin, but more about psychological make-up. To that matter, we have seen a lot of biological Oromo individuals who do identify themselves with our foes. I personally think that beyond our origin and beyond the language we do speak, an Oromo with sound mind of Oromummaa is the one who identifies himself (or herself) with being Oromo, with Afaan Oromo, with our liberation cause and with the Oromo way of life, including Oromo culture. Do the so called Oromo-progeny have such mentality to be part and parcel of the Oromo? Do they and even Dr. Fikre accept and respect Great Oromia as suggested here?

In short, I must say that, whatever our history might be or our status quo is, we should push together for our final destiny of freedom and independence, be it in the form of Great Oromia or Little Oromia. What matters is the Oromo nation we want to build in the future, i.e. an independent and a prosperous Oromo land, and an emancipated Oromo people (including both the Oromo-proper and the Oromo-progeny); that means bilisummaa saba Oromo (freedom of Oromo people) and walabummaa biya Oromo (sovereignty of Oromo land, be it Great or Little). Are the Amhara and the other nations ready to accept the Great Oromia as a means to achieve their highly desired UNITY? If they are really concerned about unity, the better way is to accept and respect our INDEPENDENCE in this form of Great Oromia; if they fail to do so, an independent Little Oromia is inevitable. After all, just as the city they called Addisaba is our Finfinne, the country they named Ethiopia is our Oromia. Now, it is up to them to choose either to live in the Great Oromia or to be the future good neighbours of the Little Oromia. May Rabbi/Waaqa give them a wisdom to choose the better one!

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at foromia@yahoo.com.

We, members of the Union of Oromo Students in Germany (UOSG), protest against human rights violations of the criminal Ethiopian regime known as the Tigray People’s Liberation Front or Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (TPLF/EPRDF). For example, the Oromia Support Group in United Kingdom, a non-political organization founded to raise awareness of human rights violations in Ethiopia, has reported four-thousand two-hundred seventy-nine (4,279) extra-judicial killings and 987 disappearances of civilians in Ethiopia from 1994–2010.

The TPLF/EPRDF regime’s anti-peace characteristics are demonstrated by multidimensional human rights violations: eviction of peasants from ancestral land without compensation, large-scale displacement of rural communities through initiation and aggravation of local conflicts, killing freedom of expressions, illegal interference in religious affairs, increasing refugees, environmental degradation, perpetrating & aggravating conflicts in the Horn of Africa, maintaining border conflicts, negative impacts of border war with Eritrea, war crime in Somalia, and etc.

We believe it is necessary to refrain from sponsoring anti-peace and authoritarian policies of the TPLF/EPRDF regime in order to realize sustainable peace and stability particularly in Ethiopia and generally in the Horn of African region. Principle of peace & security for all humanity is the universal value that it should also be applicable for the human beings in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

Therefore, we appeal respectfully to families of international communities in general and the Federal Democratic government of Germany in particular to stop indirect or direct involvements in activities suppressing the struggle of the Oromo people in particular and the oppressed peoples of the Horn of African region.

We would like to remind you that objectives of the struggle of the Oromo people are to overcome century-old injustice, to live in freedom, to build peace, to practice democracy, and to achieve stability.

Justice and Peace Shall Prevail!

Members of Union of Oromo Students in Germany
Aschaffenburg and Würzburg Branch

4th of June 2013, Würzburg, Germany

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PHOTOS FROM THE RALLY

The newly formed Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) has released its full Political Program, which was adopted by its Founding Congress in late March 2013.

Introduction
Since its emergence as a modern state at the end of the 19th century through the brutal war of conquest under Menelik II, Ethiopia has been the prison of nations and nationalities, the Oromo being one of them. The conquest was one of genocidal campaigns leading to massive loss of life, disease and famine. Consequently the Oromo lost their freedom, land and other resources, and were reduced to serfs under the notorious gabbar system. Ever since, they have waged relentless struggles to regain their freedom and dignity by every available means at their disposal, suffering untold repression and misery, despite which their determination has not waned, but only stiffened like never before.

The proud heritage of struggle of the gallant sons and daughters of the Oromo people against tyranny has registered important advances in recent decades. Today Oromia is at least recognized as an administrative entity, and Afaan Oromo has been transformed from a language slated for extinction into a language of instruction and administration. Yet, the Oromo people are not free and still struggle for basic rights that are taken for granted in most parts of the world.

- Read the Full Document (OromoDemocraticFront.org)

(also available in pdf format here)

Oromo Studies Association’s (OSA) scholars, Drs. Alemayehu Kumsa, Mekuria Bulcha and Mohammed Hassen Ali, will present scholarly works at a panel on European Conference on African Studies’ (ECAS) 5th annual conference to be held in Lisbon, Portugal, on June 27-29, 2013. The panel focuses on “The Roots of Horn of African Conflicts.” More details on the panel and papers to be presented are given below.

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ECAS 2013

5^th European Conference on African Studies
African dynamics in a multipolar world

June 27-29
Lisbon

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The Roots of Horn of African Conflicts

Location: 34
Date and Start Time: 28 June, 2013 at 10:30
Convenor: Alemayehu Kumsa (Charles University)

Short Abstract
The panel will discuss the roots of Horn of African various conflicts starting from at the end of 19th century until today: the conflict between ethno-national identity and state, the geopolitical interest of supper powers and their interference in the internal affairs of the region.

Long Abstract
The Roots of Horn of African Conflicts (* Correct Version)

Each society passed through various conflicts in their history. Horn of African societies entered new types of violent conflicts starting at the end of 19th century, which is continuing until today under various forms. Exceptionality of Horn of Africa is that Abyssinia was the only African Empire which participated in the colonization of Africa with Western European states at the end of 19th century. Compared to all participants of colonial powers of this part of Africa, Abyssinian conquest war was the longest and the bloodiest violent conflict based on historical empirical data. The territories of many nations were divided and became part of different colonial powers and different nations were forced to be part of the same territory. The proposal panel will discus conflicts at different levels of the Horn of Africa: the conflict between state and ethno-national identity, the Ethiopian state colonial character from the view of non Abyssinia peoples, the problem of interference of the state in religion maters of some groups in Ethiopia (e.g., Islam and Waaqefana (Oromo indigenous religion)), geopolitical interests of foreign powers in the region will be the main points of the panel.

Chair: Prof. Mekuria Bulcha
Discussant: Dr. Alemayehu Kumsa

This panel is closed to new paper proposals.

Papers

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“The Oromo in Ethiopian historiography”

Author: Mohammed Hassen Ali (Georgia State University)

Short Abstract
The Oromo are the single largest national group in Ethiopia and one of the major African peoples.And yet,there is a good deal of ignorance about the Oromo, their history, way of life,political and religious institutions and even about their name itself in Ethiopian historiography.

Long Abstract
As the result of the warfare between the Christians and the Oromo, the latter came to be known as the enemies of the Amhara. The enmity between the two communities, magnified by religious and cultural differences, created deeply seated spirit of animosity, which perpetuated the negative image , more to the point, demonization of the Oromo in Ethiopian historiography. European travelers and missionary accounts since the sixteenth century took on the perceptions of Ethiopian Christian chroniclers demonization of the Oromo and those perceptions were profoundly anti-Oromo. This paper will explore why the Oromo have been ” the most misunderstood, and indeed most misrepresented” people in African history. The paper will also attempt to show that what was written about the Oromo was not only fragmentary but also biased. As a consequence the human qualities of the Oromo, their egalitarian culture, democratic political and religious institutions “were trapped” in the biased works of Christian chroniclers and Portuguese missionaries, European travelers accounts of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and some scholarly works of the twentieth century.

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A Pillar of Stability or a Source of Regional Troubles: Ethiopia’s Role in the Conflicts of the Horn of Africa

Author: Mekuria Bulcha (Mälardalen University)

Short Abstract
Ethiopia was involved at one time or another in armed conflicts with its neighbors, except the tiny state of Djibouti to the east and Kenya to the south, in the past. It has also acted as peacemaker in internal Sudanese conflict in the 1970s and is acting now as a peacemaker and peacekeeper in Somalia.

Long Abstract
However, historically, Ethiopia’s role in conflict-making had overweighed its role of peacemaking. Its role in the destabilization of Somalia in the 1980s and the collapse of the Somali state in 1990, for example, was not insignificant. This paper questions the role of the peacemaker and image of stability which is ascribed to Ethiopia in the conflict prone region of the Horn of Africa. It argues that Ethiopia has been an epicenter for conflicts in the region in the past and will continue to be so even in the near future. There are two main reasons for that. First, the unresolved border-conflict with Eritrea can explode into armed confrontation any time. Secondly, as long as the conflict between the regime in power and the indigenous peoples of the regional states of Oromia, the Ogaden and Gambella are not resolved, the neighboring countries will also remain open to conflicts that can extend from Ethiopia into their territories. The paper argues that even the role which the Ethiopian regime is playing now in fighting international terrorism as a proxy for the Western countries camouflages heinous violations of human rights which if continued can plunge the region into intractable troubles. It suggests that, rather than containing religious fundamentalism as expected, the present behavior of the regime can instigate religious conflicts from which the region has been free so far. The on-going conflict between the Ethiopian regime and the Ethiopian Muslim community suggests an ominous warning.

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Conflict and Peace in Somalia in the Regional Context

Author: Katerina Rudincova (University of Ostrava)

Short Abstract
The paper deals with the role of important regional players, mainly Ethiopia and African Union, in the political development in Somalia. From the geopolitical perspective, it analyses the different postures and policy of Ethiopia and international community towards Somalia and Somaliland.

Long Abstract
Many external influences and interests shape the political reality in Somalia. Ethiopia as a dominant player in the region uses variety of instruments towards Somalia and Somalis to achieve her national interests. This includes direct military intervention as well as diplomatic activities in the regional organizations such as AU. Ethiopia also plays significant role in the Somali peace process and in the process of establishment of the Somali transitional governments. However, Ethiopia is taking ambiguous stance towards the Somali actors. Even though she supports the united Somalia and is formally restrained towards recognition of Somaliland, she developed quite good informal relations with Somaliland`s political representation. On the contrary, the peace process and political development in Somaliland is out of the focus of international community and African Union, even though it seems to be very successful.

The paper will identify the regional actors and their role in the current development in Somalia. In this context the position of African Union both towards Southern Somalia and Somaliland will be discussed as well as the arguments its representation uses to justify its postures. The role of Ethiopia as a regional hegemon will be examined as well, since Ethiopia projects her regional interests in Somalia. In this respect, the role of Ethiopia in Somali Peace process as well as its informal relations with Somaliland will be examined. The different postures of international community and regional players towards Somalia and Somaliland will be analysed from the geopolitical perspective.

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Ethiopia – the island of stability in the Horn of Africa or merely the least dysfunctional state of the region?

Author: Robert Klosowicz (Jagiellonian University)

Short Abstract
Today’s Ethiopia seems to be one of the safest and fastest developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, thereby it could have a positive impact on neighboring countries. But at the same moment is placed 20th among the most dysfunctional states. What is a real picture of Ethiopian state?

Long Abstract
According to the common perception of Ethiopia, held by outside observers, it is one of the most stable African countries. This view is strengthened by tourists who in large numbers visit Ethiopia every year, making their way to see historic route of ancient Amharic cities or the exotic tribes of the South. The state’s capital itself with its modern airport and a new, modern district which is being constructed along the Bole street, makes a good impression on visitors. The very fact that in Addis Ababa are located the headquarters of the most important African regional organizations, including the African Union, and almost all diplomatic missions of the major countries of the world, reinforces good reputation of the Ethiopian state. It all seems to indicate that Ethiopia is one of the safest and fastest developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, on the best way of development, which due to its political stability may have a positive impact on neighboring countries, considered as ones of the least stable in the whole Africa (Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, Eritrea). But is it a true picture of the country or maybe its condition is reflected in the latest Failed States Index 2012, prepared by internationally-recognized think tank, where Ethiopia is on the 20th place among the most dysfunctional countries of the world? Who’s right and what kind of state actually Ethiopia is?

The author conducted field research in Ethiopia on the border with South Sudan, Eritrea and Somalia during two research stays in the years 2010-2011.

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Geo-strategic Intervention and Its Consequences in the Horn of Africa

Author: Redie Bereketeab

Short Abstract
This paper seeks to analyse how geo-strategic driven intervention creates havoc in the HOA.

Long Abstract
The Horn of Africa (HOA) suffers of concerted pathologies the main of which are rampant intra-state and inter-state conflicts, state crisis, environmental degradation and underdevelopment that render the region the most unstable and hostile to life in the Continent. Multifaceted factors underlie for this state of conditions. One of these multifaceted factors relates to geo-strategic driven intervention by big powers. Geo-strategic driven intervention in the HOA assumes a variety of forms: Cold War, US global war on terror, war against piracy offshore Somalia, etc. The consequence of the politics of geo-strategic driven intervention for the peoples of the HOA has been devastating. The devastations relate to peace, security, stability, human rights, democratisation, identity relations, socio-economic development, etc. This paper seeks to analyse how geo-strategic driven intervention creates havoc in the HOA.

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Oromo Refugees and Its Impact

Author: Tesfaye Metta (NGO)

Short Abstract
The Oromo are the single largest national group in Ethiopia and one of the major African peoples. And yet, Oromo’s are subjected to harm, ill-treatment and/or discrimination by the authorities in Ethiopia. Racial discrimination affected the Oromo more than any other group in the country.

Long Abstract
It is a common knowledge for world community through United Nations High Commission and other International Organizations, which specialized on Human Rights that the Horn of African states are the largest producers of refugees and the biggest numbers of them are in the camps of Kenya. The majority of these people are from Ethiopia and Somalia. It is known that the conflicts in Ethiopia and Somalia are interrelated. The paper elucidates the origin of political conflicts in Ethiopia, which forced these people to escape from these conflict areas to safe their life in foreign countries, the paper focuses on the relationship between Oromo nation and Tigre Liberation Front (TPL) led contemporary government of Ethiopian empire. The paper also deals with the regional geopolitical influence of Ethiopian government, in which many Oromo political refugees were deported to Ethiopia by violating international law.

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The conflict between Ethiopian state and the Oromo people

Author: Alemayehu Kumsa (Charles University)

Short Abstract
This paper discusses how the Abyssinian Empire able to colonize its neighboring nations at the end of 19th century and taking Oromo nation as a case study elucidates the contemporary conflict in Ethiopia.

Long Abstract
Colonialism is a practice of domination, which involves the subjugation of one people to another. The etymology of the term from Latin word colonus, meaning farmers. This root reminds us that the practice of colonialism usually involved the transfer of population to new territory, where the arrivals lived as permanent settlers while maintaining political allegiance to the country of origin. Colonialism is a characteristic of all known civilizations. Books on African history teaches us that Ethiopia and Liberia are the only countries, which were not colonized by West European states, but the paper argues that Ethiopia was created by Abyssinian state colonizing its neighbors during the scramble for Africa. Using comparative colonial history of Africa, the paper tries to show Abyssinian colonialism is the worst of conquest and colonial rule of all territories in Africa, depending on the number of people killed during the conquest war, brutal colonial rule, political oppression, poverty, lack of education, diseases, and contemporary land grabbing only in the colonial territories. In its arguments, the paper discuss why the Oromo were defeated at the end of 19th century whereas we do have full of historical documents starting from 13th century in which the Oromo defended their own territory against Abyssinian expansion. Finally it will elucidate the development of Oromo struggle for regaining their lost independence.

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The Somali Islam: regional interactions and historical trends

Author: Antonio M. Morone (University of Pavia)

Short Abstract
Nasser’s Egypt was a key actor in the Somali struggle for independence, supplementing its political actions with religious appeal. The paper deals with Nasser’s attempts to include Somalia in the Arab world and concludes that this involvement promoted an internationalization of Somali local Islam.

Long Abstract
Facing the overlap between the chain of Muslim brotherhoods and clan agnatic lineages in Somali Islam, the Egyptian Azharite mission in Somalia promoted the innovative forces of the Shāfi’ite tradition, connecting local Islam to some foreign, namely Egyptian, strains. This influence resulted in a more rigorist Islam, which, particularly in urban environment, successfully opposed the syncretism of Somali Islam and the authority of local Wadaad-s with the final effect to enable the development of some un- or even anti-Sufi sheikhs. In addition Egypt directly funded many schools according to its own pattern, that had a very modernist/Islamist background, in which the Qur’ān is only one subject among others, such as hadīth (tradition), Islamic history, law, and ‘aqīda. A clanless Islam would find the favour with the political plans of the main Somali party, the Somali Youth League, because the achievement of a national and unitary society took for granted the relinquishment of clannish legacy. The paper assess the interactions between local actors vs. different international players on the eve of Somali national independence and devotes special attention to the ten years period of the Italian trusteeship over Somalia (1950-1960) as premise of further internationalization or Middle East orientation of Somali Islam as well as politics.

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The way security cultures can shape security complexes. A case study of the Horn of Africa

Author: Elena-Daniela Baches

Short Abstract
The understanding of the security complex associated to the Horn of Africa requires a cultural approach, as the perceptions of threat and insecurity are socially and culturally built, linking people across space and time.

Long Abstract
The research addresses the Security Complex in the Horn of Africa through the lens of the concept of “security culture”, considered both regionally and from a domestic perspective; the four countries this paper will explore are Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia. The security complex characterizing this sub-region is not only the result of a sub-systemic competition and a power balancing phenomenon; it also stems from these countries’ cultural background, which has shaped similar security cultures. Their perceptions of thereat and insecurity, as well as the building of responses to counter neighbouring challenges, are the result of the way history, ethnicity, and territoriality influenced relations between them. Thus, the paper underlines that solutions for the effective risk management in the Horn of Africa may be ensured through a “shared security strategy” that would answer the security dilemmas of these four actors.

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When the outside is inside: International features of the Somali “civil” war

Author: Itziar Ruiz-Gimenez-Arrieta (Universidad Autonoma de Madrid)

Short Abstract
The paper shows how international dynamics and actors have played a constitutive role in the formation and crisis of the Somali state, in its “internal” armed conflict, and in diverse statehood trajectories that have emerged on the ground in the past two decades.

Long Abstract
Clanism and state failure narratives are often used to explain armed conflict in Somalia. While acknowledging that they may have certain explanatory virtues, this article shows their analytical, conceptual and empirical flaws. In reviewing the critical literature, this article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the Somali state crisis: it shows how international dynamics and actors have played a constitutive role in the formation and crisis of the Somali state, in its “internal” armed conflict, and in diverse statehood trajectories that have emerged on the ground in the past two decades.

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The following is a statement announcing the release of the latest edition of Ogina, a webzine (web-based (maga)zine) featuring art, literature, interviews, and criticism that relate, directly or indirectly, to the experiences of Oromo in Diaspora.

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Graphics: Ogina

The editorial staff of Ogina: Oromo Arts in Diaspora is pleased to announce the release of its sixth issue. This new issue includes a variety of excellent and original creative cultural work by Oromo people and friends of Oromo people from all over the world. The special feature on Roba Bulga includes not only clips from his movie “Jeans and Marto” but also the video of an interview between him and professor Steven Thomas, and two of Roba’s poems — one in English, one in Afan Oromo. The issue also includes essays on Oromo wedding poetry, the Addoyyee institution, and the mainstream media’s representation of the Red Terror.

The Ogina staff also announce that they are looking for new editorial staff members to help with the next issue. If you are interested in supporting Ogina, please e-mail editors@ogina.org.

For more info about Ogina, please refer to: http://ogina.org/aboutus.html

Sincerely,

Ogina Editorial Staff

On Sunday, June 9, 2013, Oromo refugees in Cairo held a peaceful protest rally against increased harassment in Egypt as backlash of the Nile politics, and they asked UNHCR and the Egyptian authorities for protection.

IN PHOTOS:

Video: Waldaya Baqattoota Oromoo Biyya Masrii OSRA-Egypt

(OPride) – At least 100 Oromo refugees living in Cairo gathered outside the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on Sunday to protest against increased harassment from Egyptians angry over Nile dam.

They called on UNHCR and Egyptians authorities to provide them with better protection. The protesters also said they “fled Ethiopia due to political and ethnic persecution, also spoke out against Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam,” according to Egyptian News Agency, Ahram Online. Estimated at over 40 million, the Oromo are Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group.

– Full Story (OPride.com)

Oromo refugees gathered for a second day outside the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office near Cairo, protesting alleged harassment from Egyptians and calling for greater protection. They say the mistreatment stems from Egyptians who oppose the Ethiopian government’s controversial Grand Renaissance Dam.

The protesters, mainly from the Oromo tribe [nation], left Ethiopia due to political and ethnic oppression. They emphasised their detachment from and displeasure with the Ethiopian government.

– Full Story (Al-Jazeera The Stream)

By Leenjiso Horo | June 2013

Points to note:
One needs to understand the chain of events that gave rise to the hatching out of the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF). It is the result of a silent and secret creeping of a group within the rank of OLF members in the Diaspora with the purpose in mind to dismantle the OLF and its political program. The Political Program of 2004 was a project laid out as a foundation for the formation of the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF). It was written by those who are now in the leadership of the ODF. The project was conceived long ago by former members of OLF’s Foreign Relation Office based in Sudan. Suffice it to recall the various attempts that had been made on the part of the leadership of the ODF to divide members of the OLF, weaken nationalists unity so as to dismantle the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in order to organize ODF. The core members of the leadership of the ODF are the former participants in the London Conference of 1991. The London conference was a sellout of Oromiya and its independence. It was this group that later disarmed and encamped the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). After the OLF had left the Transitional Government Ethiopia and organized Extraordinary Congress/Kora Hatattamaa in 1998, this group refused or failed to attained the Congress and then worked to split the organization. And now, it is complaining that the Congress as the basis for the difference, conflict and hence the split of the OLF in 2001. Then, it organized the Bergen Conference of 2004. Following it, the same year it helped organize the 2004 ABO Shanee-Gumii Congress, where today’s ODF members forced the amendment of the Political Program of 1998. The group itself wrote the amendments to the Political Program of 1998. ABO Shanee became a victim of this group and its political scheme. Later on, when the nationalists within ABO Shanee-Gumii understood the dangerous and sinister political line of this group and confronted it, the group split from ABO Shanee-Gumii and formed Jijjiiramaa in 2008. However, Jijjiiramaa was rejected by the nationalists and the Oromo people. Consequently, Jijjiiramaa factionalized and fractured into various pieces of groupings. For this reason, the core group of Jijjiiramaa changed the name Jijjiiramaa to the Oromo Dialogue Forum (ODF)/Waltajjii Mariii Oromoo (WMO). Then, out of the womb of the Oromo Dialogue Forum (ODF), the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) hatched out. And now, finally, the cat is out of the bag: this was the secret plan that the group had been hatching over years. The formation of ODF is the result of years of secret underground organizing of an organization within the OLF.

The ODF’s political platform of struggle:
The political platform of the struggle of the ODF is for the Ethiopian empire “federalization,” for its citizenship and citizenship rights. Here is what ODF members and leadership have been saying in regard to self-determination. It says, “self-determination means citizenship.” It goes on, “We interpret the exercise of self-determination as a process that transforms all subjects into citizens.” Hence, it says that its political platform is to campaign for “citizenship” and to “advocate citizenship rights, not only for the Oromo, but also all other peoples inhabiting the empire, including those from which the present and past dominant elite arose.” It is, therefore, crystal clear that ODF has reduced the Oromo struggle for self-determination to “citizenship and citizenship rights” in the Ethiopian empire. It is from this wrong interpretation of self-determination the Oromo capitulationists gave the meaning of “bilisummaa/liberation to people and that of independence/walabummaa to a country.” But, in Oromo political parlance, the meaning, and understanding the of the word “bilisummaa” is equivalent to the word “walabummaa.” The group’s core political platform is the federalization of the Ethiopian empire, including the colonialist. This is a topic to be addressed in another paper. The Political Program of 2004 was the first move of this group as a first step to the formation of ODF. Here are two roads that are open to you for choice. One is the ODF way: empire federalization, and the other is the OLF way: the independence way. Hence, here you have a choice at this pivotal time of the Oromo national struggle. The choice is whether you retreat to the colonialist camp, and put your heart and soul into “federalization” of Ethiopian empire – the ODF way, and live in grief and humiliation and remain forever condemned by history as revisionist-capitulationist collaborators with those forces of anti-independence of Oromiyaa; or you join the Oromo nationalists camp, and put your heart and soul in the struggle for the independence of Oromiyaa – the OLF way, so as to be a participant in the struggle of your people for independence. ODF’s political line is irreconcilable with and in contradiction to that of the OLF. Now the question to you is: Which one will you choose?

The task of this article is to show the irreconcilable political objectives between the political programs of 1998 and of 2004. For this, the attempt here is to counter those Oromo individuals who have been engaged in intentional misinformation campaign aimed at misleading Oromo nationals to believe that the objectives in the two political programs are one and the same. These individuals haven been falsely claiming that the two political programs are the same, except that the political program of 2004 substituted self-determination for independence, knowing the very fact that the phrase self-determination means different things. In the context of political program of 2004, self-determination does not mean independence. It is, therefore, vitally important to separate the truth from the false claim. For this, it is essential to begin with the OLF political objective laid out in the Political Program of 1974/76, and in the Constitution of 1998 and political program of 1998. Then, using them as the basis, to compare and contrast the political objectives laid out in the two political programs in terms of right of nation to self-determination.

The OLF Constitution of 1998:
The Constitution (Boqonnaa II, Kaayyoo Masakkaa, Aangoo 1. Bilisummaa Oromiyaa) states in Oromo language as follow:

Hundeen Kaayyoo qabsoo teenyaa qabsoo farra sirna impaayera Itoophiyaa, murnoota farra mirga ilma namaa, dimokraasii fi nagaa oofuu dhaan fi Sagantaa Siyaasaa ABO fiixaan baasuu dhaan, bilisummaa sabaa argamisiisuu fi walabummaa Oromiyaa mirkaneessuu dha (Heera Adda Bilissummaa Oromoo, Ebla (May), 18, 1998, Dirree Kibba-Baha Oromiyaa).

Roughly translated as: The fundamental principle of our struggle is by struggling against Ethiopian empire system, against forces of anti-human rights, anti-democracy and peace and by the fulfilling the Political Program of the Oromo Liberation Front, for the realization of the liberation of the people and the establishment of independent state of Oromiyaa (translation mine).

Political Program of 1974/76:

The fundamental objective of the struggle is the realization of the national self-determination for the Oromo people and their liberation from oppression and exploitation in all their forms. This can only be realized through the successful consummation of the new democratic revolution by waging anti-feudal, anti-colonial, and anti- imperialist struggle, and by the establishment of the people’s democratic republic of Oromia (Political Program of 1974/76: VI. Programme for the Struggle, A. Political Objective)

Political Program of 1998:

V. Sagantaa Qabsoo (A. Akeeka Siyaasaa): Hundeen akeeka qabsoo kanaa mirga hiree murteeffannaa ummata Oromoo argamsiisuuf sirna Impaayera Itoophiyaa diiguudhaan, Oromiyaa kolonii, hacuuccaa fi saaminsa jelaa bilisa baasuun mootummaa walaba Oromiyaa dhaabee iggitii itti godhuu dha. Kunis kan mirkanaawu mirga qabutti dhimma bahee ummatni Oromoo mootummaa walaba isaa labsachuu yookaan ummatoota biraa wajjin tokkummaa politiikaa haaraa ijaarrachuuf murtii kennatuun ta’a (Political Program of 1998, V. Sagantaa Qabsoo, A. Akeeka Siyaasaa).

Roughly translated as: The fundamental objective of this struggle is the realization of the right of national self-determination for the Oromo people by dismantling the Ethiopian empire system, by liberating Oromiyaa from colonization, oppression, and exploitation and by establishing and guarantee the independent state of Oromiyaa. This can only be realized when the Oromo nation uses its right in declaring its own independent government of Oromiyaa, or decide to establish a new political unity with other nations (translation mine).

Bergen Conference (Bergen, Norway, October 1, 2004):
Two months before its Congress of December 2004, a conference was organized with the help of its foreign sponsors, a conference known as the Bergen Conference. This conference treated the conflict in the Ethiopian empire as internal to Ethiopia. On this premises, the Conference accepted “free and fair election” in order to participate in Ethiopian Empire’s political and administrative governance to solve the conflict. Having accepted the so-called fair and free election, it stated “The Oromo people have nothing to lose and all to gain in participating in a free and fair election” in the Ethiopian empire. Acceptance of free and fair election is a clear indication of supplanting “non-violence and peaceful form of struggle” for armed struggle so as to play “political influence” to change internal problems. In following up this, at its congress of December 2004, the OLF political program of 1998 amended by dropping key principal components of the struggle from it so as to fit a newly founded political line. Following the amendment of the Constitution, the new political line of “Democratization” of Ethiopia and the formation of AFD (Alliance for Freedom and Democracy) was announced. This Bergen Conference laid out a political foundation for the Congress of 2004 to amend the political program of 1998.

While fair and free election, as it is promoted in the Bergen Conference, is one method of foreign influence on a leadership of an organization, other methods that can be utilized are the promotion of a negotiation settlement to be considered on the basis of cultural autonomy, regional autonomy, federation, confederation, power-sharing, coalition government, and proportionality of government appointment. All of these are traps. Need to be watched out. There are many who can fall in these traps, as they fall in ‘democratization’ of Ethiopia.

The Political Program of 2004:

1. Akeeka fi Galii Siyaasaa ABO
1.1 Hundeen akeeka qabsoo kanaa Mirga Hiree Murteeffannaa Ummata Oromoo guututti fiixa baasuu taha.
1.2 Kuniis, kan mirkanaawu murtii bilisa Ummata Oromootiin mootummaa walaba Oromiyaa ijaarratuu, yokiin tokkummaa siyaasaa haaraya fedhii, qixxummaa, kabajaa dantaa gama hundaa fi deemokraasummaa irratti hundaawe ummatoota ollaa Oromiyaa fi biraa wajjiin dhaabbachuu taha.
1.3 Galii kana bakkaan gahuufis ummatoota, humnoota mirga hiree murteeffannaatti amananii fi dimokraatawoo tahan waliin qabsoo qindeeffata.

Political Prorgam of December, 2004 (English version):

1. Political Objective
1.1 The fundamental objective of the liberation struggle is the fulfillment of national aspiration of the Oromo people to exercise its legitimate right of self-determination.

1.2 This may be realised by the establishment of independent Oromia through free expression of the will of Oromo people or by the formation of political union with Oromia’s neighbouring peoples based on equality, the common interest and democratic principles.

1.3 In carrying out these objectives the OLF shall co-ordinate the struggle with other democratic forces and peoples that uphold the right to self-determination.

Here are what have been dropped from the new political program of 2004:

1. sirna Impaayera Itoophiyaa diiguu;
2. Oromiyaa kolonii … jalaa bilisa baasuu;
3. Mootummaa walaba Oromiyaa dhaabee iggitti itti godhuu;
4. waging … anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggle;
5. Republika Dimokrasii Oromiyaa ijaaruu;
6. People’s Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa.

All these phrases and words were embedded in the political objective of all the previous documents, except in the political program of 2004. In addition to these, Articles II and III were also dropped from Political program of 2004. The content of the two articles are the following:

Article (II. Diinoota Qabsoo Kanaa) – meaning the enemies of this struggle. It laid out three categories of the enemies of the Oromo national struggle. It states in Oromiffaa as:

Political Program of 1998:
1. Mootummootni Itoophiyaa kan sirna Impaayera Itoophiyaa tiksan hunddi diina qabsoo bilisummaa ummata Oromoo ti.
Translation: All Ethiopian rulers who preside over, defend and protect the Ethiopian empire system are the enemy of the struggle of the Oromo people.

2. Humnootni Naftanyaa kan sirna Impaayera Itoophiyaa turfachuu dharra’anii fi mirga hiree murteeffannaa ummatootaa dura dhaabatan, diina qabsoo Oromoo ti.
Roughly translated as: All forces of Naftanyaa or Abyssinian armed settlers who desire to maintain the Ethiopian empire system and hence oppose the right of nations to self-determination are the enemy of the Oromo struggle.

3. Oromoonni gantoonni murnaaniis ta’ee nam-tokkeen Impaayericha Itoophiyaa tikfamuu irraa dantaa qabaachuun bilisummaa/walabummaa Oromoo dura dhaabatan, diina qabsoo Oromoo ti.
Translated as: The Oromo traitors, whether a group or an individual, who has a vested personal self-interest in the maintenance of the Ethiopian empire and so opposes the liberation of Oromo people is an enemy of the Oromo struggle.

Article (III. Utubaa Qabsichaa) – meaning the Pillar of the struggle. The article reads as follow in Oromo language: Ummatni bal’aan Oromiyaa fi sab-boontootni Oromoo akeeka kan Sagantaa ABO fudhatanii Qabsichatti hiriiranii fi dirmatan utubaa qabsoo kanaa ti.
Translated as: The broad masses of the Oromia people and the Oromo nationalists who accepted the aim of the political program of the OLF and participate in the struggle, and support it are the pillar of the struggle.

Now ask yourself as to why these words, phrases and articles are dropped from the political objective of the Political Program of 2004. Again, ask yourself as to why the articles II and III of the Political Program of 1998 are removed from political program of 2004. One does not have to be a rocket scientist to figure this out. Think seriously about it. First, it means Oromiyaa is not a colony of Ethiopia. Secondly, it means there is no such empire called Ethiopian empire. Thirdly, it means the Oromo are an oppressed nation within Ethiopia, and hence the Oromo question is not a colonial question, but a question of oppressed nation. And finally, it means the Oromo question can find solution within Ethiopia. It is based on these that the political line of “Democratization of Ethiopia,” and “New Federal Republic of Ethiopia” have become the new political platforms of struggle for those who adopted the political program of 2004.

Moreover, having dropped the above political objectives from its political program, and having accepted “free and fair election” at the Bergen Conference, the participants stated this: “In carrying out these objectives, the OLF shall co-ordinate the struggle with other democratic forces … that uphold the right to self-determination.” Recall it for ODF self-determination means citizenship. It was on this basis that alliance was established with Kinijjit in forming AFD and then Jijjiirama, a former member of Shanee in forming AFD, has later established a new alliance of unity with Ginbot 7 to form a ‘New Federal Republic of Ethiopia.’ And the former Jijjiiramaa, and the now as the ODF, has officially declared its political platform of struggle as the “federalization of Ethiopian empire, for its citizenship and citizenship rights.” It is, therefore, crystal clear that ODF has reduced the Oromo question for independence to a question of “Ethiopian empire federalization, to its citizenship, to its citizenship rights, and to its constitutional patriotism.” Certainly, Kinijjit, Ginbot7 and the rest of other Abyssinian/Ethiopian political organizations did not recognize the right of self-determination then, do not recognize it now, and will not recognize it in the future, late alone to “uphold” it. The guiding principle (Kaayyoo Masakakaa) of the Oromo struggle as stated in the Constitution of the OLF is the Liberation of the People (Bilisummaa sabaa) and the establishment of the independent state of Oromiyaa (Mootummaa Walaba Oromiyaa). And the form of struggle is waging anti-colonialism struggle.

Again the Political Program of 1974/76 states that “The fundamental objective of the struggle is the realization of national self-determination … by waging anti-feudal, anti-colonial, and anti- imperialist struggle, and by the establishment of the people’s democratic republic of Oromia.” Furthermore, its amended version, the 1998 political program once again explicitly states that the fundamental principle of this struggle is the realization of the right of self-determination for the Oromo nation by dismantling the Ethiopian empire system (sirna Impaayera Itoophiyaa diguu), and liberating Oromiyaa from the colony (Oromiyaa kolonii … jalaa bilisa baasuudhaan) and by establishing independent Oromiyaa state. This amended political program made it clear that self-determination can be realized when and only when the Oromo people use the right they have as a free, sovereign, and independent people to decide whether to declare their own independent government of Oromiyaa or opt for to form a new political unity or solidarity with other nations.

It must be crystal clear to all that the right of self-determination can only be decided by a free and independent people, and free and independent government of free and independent state. Hence, sovereignty is pre-requisite for self-determination. By using their right, the right they recovered through their struggle, and by being sovereign, the Oromo people can decide as to the type of self-determination. This right is the exclusive right of the Oromo people, it is not a right of individuals, or of organizations, or of a state. This people’s right is free from external influences, pressures, or restrictions. This rests the question, oftentimes asked, as to which one is first: independence, or self-determination. In short, independence comes first and then issue of self-determination to be decided by the vote of free people comes next.

The differences of the two political Programs:
The two political programs are fundamentally different. The problems they intended to solve are also different. The 1998 political program is intended to solve, the colonial question, while the 2004 is intended to solve the national oppression. As it is shown above, the political program of 1998 and the 1974/76 squarely and without ambiguity put the Oromo question as a colonial question and the strategic objective of struggle as a struggle for independent state of Oromiyaa. Again, the political program of 1998 properly put Ethiopian Empire as an empire, an empire that was created without regard for the wishes and the aspirations of the nations that were violently forced into it; Oromo being one of them. It is for this it has included the phrase dismantling Ethiopian Empire system as the target of struggle. However, Waltajii Marii Oromoo/Oromo Dialogue Forum has dropped the independent state of Oromiyaa as well as the dismantling Ethiopian empire system from its political program of 2004. In this case, the question to be raised is this. Is the Oromo question a colonial question, or the question of an oppressed nation? The answer given to this questions determine as to a type of solution. The colonial question is a question of territory; a question of colonized people. The question of oppressed nation is not a colonial question, but a question of national oppression within a state. To seek an answer to the question, we turn to the concept of right of national self-determination.

The right of self-determination(mirga hiree-murteeffannaa)
The right of self-determination oftentimes taken as a synonym for political independence. However, the right of self-determination has multiple meanings. Of these, the important ones are the right of external self-determination and the right of internal self-determination. Of the two, only external self-determination implies political independence. Self-determination of either type can be achieved through armed struggle. Then, to secure realization of self-determination, the victor has to conduct a referendum for international legitimacy. Both differ from each other in their meanings and implementation. So, their meanings and implementation will be presented below.

1. External self-determination (mirga hiree-murteeffannaa alaa)
External self-determination refers to people’s right to the establishment of their independent state. It is a right to separate from a colonizer state and form an independent state of their own. Such right is limited to a colonized territories. The colonial question is a question for the establishment of complete political independence; a formation of new state. In this case, a nation, first and foremost, establishes its own independent state and its own independent government in its own right. And then, it conducts referendum/plebiscite for international legitimacy. The reason for this is simple. It is not enough to seize power, control territory, and regulate internal affairs. A new state also needs international legal sovereignty. This means the new state needs recognition by other states; it needs the right to sign treaties; the right to join international organizations and the right for its representatives to have diplomatic immunities and privileges. For these, it is important to show the international community the choices, the wishes, the desires, and the aspiration of the people of the new state by conducting referendum/plebiscite. Here, what has to be understood is that referendum is simply an instrument or a means to secure the realization of self-determination that had already achieved. Referendum is not the goal of the struggle. The goal of the struggle is political independence. Hence, the national organization that prepares referendum or plebiscite has to campaign for independence and agitate people to vote only for independence.

What should be asked in the referendum/plebiscite in this case?

The two principal choices are:

1. Independent state;
2. Internal self-determination

In this case, the public should be asked: Do you wish for Oromo independence or internal self-determination?

Here, the Oromo people may vote for independent state of their own, which they had already established, or vote for internal self-determination so as to re-join the existing state of Ethiopian empire to form a new political unity with other nations. It is important to remember that the establishment of independent Oromiyaa state and independent government of Oromiyaa are first to exist. That is, the establishment of people’s Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa is, in the first place, the realization of self-determination. It is this government and only this government that conducts referendum/plebiscite in the presence of international observers. This is simply a formal process for legitimacy. The purpose of the referendum is simply to secure the realization of self-determination in the eyes of international community. This is the intent of the 1998 OLF political program.

2. Internal self-determination (mirga hiree-murteeffannaa keessaa)
Internal self-determination refers to a people’s right to choose their own form of government – meaning self-government or self-rule within the boundary of the existing sovereign state. This right does not allow for secession, except in the case of crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, war crimes, and denial of internal self-determination. Internal self-determination recognizes the territorial integrity of the existing state and its constitution. It allows for local autonomy which specifically means a management of own local or internal affairs within the boundary of the existing state, such as freely developing, without restriction, own national identity, language, culture, tradition, political, economic, and religion among others. It also includes free and fair election in local government and participation in the governance of state in the form of having representative in the central government. For this, it is oftentimes known as participatory democracy. In this case, this type of self-determination means citizenship and citizenship rights. This is the political platform of the so-called Oromo Democratic Front (ODF).

Under this scenario, local autonomy and hence local self-government or self-rule can only be granted after the referendum/plebiscite is conducted and people’s choice is affirmed to be for internal self-determination over the status quo. What should be asked in the referendum/plebiscite?

Here the two principal choices are:

1. Internal self-determination;
2. The status quo

In this regard, the public should be asked: Do you wish for Oromo internal self-determination or the status quo?

In this case, the Oromo people may vote for internal self-determination, or for the status quo. Under this scenario, if the Oromo people vote for internal self-determination, Oromiyaa can become locally autonomous state and form local self-government of Oromiyaa within the Ethiopian Empire. This is what the 2004 political program was intended to accomplish. It is for this reason that the now members and leadership of ODF, being as members of ABO Shanee, amended the political program of 1998 and accepted “free and fair” election at the Bergen Conference. However, if the Oromo vote for status quo, nothing will change. That is, no local autonomy, and they cannot form local self-government or local self-rule. In this case, all office holders will be appointed as in during Emperor Haile Selassie and colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam regimes. This is the political objectives of Kinijjit and Ginbot7, while the ODF’s is internal self-determination. This is their difference.

In summary, the Political Program of 2004 is inconsistent with the political objectives laid out in the previous political programs and documents. It dropped keywords or phrases like colony, colonialism, anti-colonial, independent state of Oromiyaa, and the dismantling the Ethiopian empire and etc. from political objective of the political program. This means Oromiyaa is not a colony, and its people are not a colonized people. ODF’s use of self-determination is to reflect this change. The phrase right of self-determination has at least two meanings: internal and external self-determination. The two have different meanings and implications. If a question is raised as a colonial question, self-determination implies to external self-determination because the colonial question is a question of territory, territorial independence, and international status. However, if a question is a question of national oppression, the use of self-determination implies to internal self-determination, because question of national oppression can find its solution within the existing borders of the oppressor state. It must, therefore, be clear that once the above mention words or phrases dropped from the political objective of the political program of 2004, the right of self-determination becomes the right of internal self-determination. The Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) has been using this meaning of the right of self-determination. With everything considered, the amended political objective as laid out in political program of 2004 conflicts with that of political program of 1998 and with all existing documents prior to the amendment.

Oromiyaa Shall BE Free!

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* Leenjiso Horo can be reached at tguyyoo@yahoo.com